Advisory Opinions - Bari Weiss: Fight, Fight Fight
Episode Date: November 14, 2023Bari Weiss recently gave the Barbara K. Olson Memorial lecture at the Federalist Society, in which she detailed the horrific aftermath of Hamas’ October 7 attack against Israel, the ensuing “batt...le of ideas,” and the left’s morally perverse showing therein. Given the subject matter, we decided to devote today’s episode of Advisory Opinions to reairing her speech. her speech. Show Notes -Full speech Learn more about your ad choices. Visit megaphone.fm/adchoices
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I was born ready. Welcome back to Advisory Opinions. I'm Sarah Isger. That's David French. And
we've got a special episode for you today. So we're going to play for you the entirety of
Barry Weiss's speech to the Federal Society National Convention for the
Barbara K. Olson Memorial Lecture. Why? Well, it was unusual in a number of regards. One,
while not unheard of for a non-lawyer to deliver this speech to the Federalist Society, it's
pretty unusual. And certainly, Barry Weiss was herself an unusual speaker at this event.
But it was also what she decided to talk
about. And I hope you will all enjoy it, and especially her tribute to Barbara Olson, who the
lecture is named after. But she talks about antisemitism being a warning system. And while
she doesn't use this analogy, I will. It's almost like the smoke alarm. It means fire's coming. It may not be there yet.
But antisemitism as a smoke alarm in all of these Western democracies or liberalized governments,
as antisemitism spreads, it is a warning system, as she described it, to let you know that the
vandals are coming. Vandalism, not the type that we think of with
graffiti now, but actually the vandals, you know, those folks who sacked Rome. And there's another
part of the speech that really struck a chord with me on allyship, a term that we associate
most closely with the left. But here's Barry Weiss, a liberal woman married to a woman who's
speaking at the Federalist Society, right? Like,
not a whole lot in common on its surface. And yet, this is what actual allyship is.
It doesn't mean that you adopt the other person's principles. It in fact means that you don't.
But rather that you find that common ground. And instead pursue that together,
accepting the other person's differences of opinions, differences of principles,
differences of even priorities sometimes. And I thought that was worth highlighting as well,
that Barry Weiss would take the time to speak to the Federal Society, a group she doesn't agree
with on any number of things, to talk about Israel, anti-Semitism, tying this in to the
legacy of 9-11 and how 9-11 and 10-7 actually are maybe the same fight.
So I hope you enjoy it. I certainly did. And Barry Weiss sends her best. She wants to join
the podcast soon. In the meantime, here's Barry Weiss at the Barbara K. Olson Memorial Lecture
from Friday. We hope you enjoy and we'll be back with a normal show on Thursday. Don't worry.
When Jean gave me the list of people who had previously given the Barbara
Olson lecture, I was absolutely sure that you guys had made a mistake in inviting me.
I'm not a lawyer. I'm not a legal scholar. I'm not a former attorney general. In my time at the
Wall Street Journal, I edited dozens of op-eds about Chevron deference, but I'm still not sure what the hell that means.
I'm also not a member of the Federalist Society.
My parents, who are here in the front row, who probably couldn't
afford the local country club, raised us on the Groucho Marx
line that I wouldn't want to belong to any club that
would have me as a member.
And then there's the question of my politics.
I hear you guys are conservative.
So forgive me then, I'd like to begin by acknowledging
that we're standing on the ancestral indigenous land
of Leonard Leo.
I read in ProPublica that this is his turf.
But then I Googled Barbara Olson.
I had the privilege of editing some op-eds by Ted back in the day, and I knew that his
wife had been murdered by Al-Qaeda in 9-11.
But over the past few weeks, in my non-spare time, I spent a bunch of it reading about
Barbara herself.
I read about a Texas girl, the daughter of German immigrants, who was ferociously independent.
I read about how she, a Catholic, wound up at Cardozo Law School at Yeshiva University.
And I read about how she, as an intern at the Department of Justice, was apparently
the only person with sufficient chutzpah to personally serve the papers at the PLO mission
to the UN.
And I learned that she was on American Airlines Flight 77
because she was headed to LA to be on Bill Maher's show,
and because she had changed her flight
so she could have a birthday dinner with Ted.
And I learned that she had the composure
and the clarity and the courage
to call him not just once but twice in those horrifying moments before the plane slammed
into the Pentagon.
There is a phrase that Jews say when a person dies,
and that phrase is, may their memory be for a blessing.
And it's an expression of hope.
But it is so clear in the case of Barbara Olson and the way that the force of her life
and her character extends and echoes on that it is very much a blessing fulfilled.
To say that I am honored to give a lecture in the name of such an exceptional woman would
be an understatement.
So thank you.
It is also, since the massacre of October 7, a date that will be seared into the memory of civilized people
alongside September 11, profoundly fitting.
I don't think it's a coincidence that Israel
is the only country outside
of America which is home to a 9-11 memorial bearing every single one of the
victims names. And of course that is what we must talk about tonight. The
civilizational war we are in. The war that took the life of Barbara Olson and
3,000 other innocent Americans on that morning of September 2001,
and the war that came hideously across the border from Gaza
into Israel on that Shabbat morning a month ago,
the war that too many foolishly thought had ended,
the physical war currently raging in the Middle East
with these questions about the right way to defeat Hamas and other members of the jihadi death cult,
the kind of operation Israel should be pursuing in Gaza, how America should abandon its fatal appeasement of Iran,
and a hundred other strategic questions, those are subjects for another speech and one for which there are many more qualified people to deliver.
Those are subjects for another speech, and one for which there are many more qualified people
to deliver.
Tonight, I'd like to talk about the war of ideas,
of conviction, and of will that faces us as Americans.
I want to talk about the stakes of that war
and how we must wage it fearlessly and relentlessly
if we seek to build a world fit for our children
and if we want to save America itself. By the time Americans woke up on October
7th, 2023, it was clear that what had unfolded while we slept was not like
previous wars or battles that Israel had fought in its 75-year history.
This was a genocidal pogrom.
It was a scene out of the places that Jews had fled, a scene out of the history of the
Nazi Holocaust or the European pogroms before that, or of the Farhud, the 1941 massacre
of Jews in Baghdad, a city that it's hard to believe now was
40% Jewish at the beginning of the 20th century. All of these scenes reminding us
of Israel's necessity. The Hamas terrorists came across the border into
southern Israel on foot and on motorbike. They came by truck and by car and by paraglider.
And they came with a plan.
They came to Israel to maim and to murder
and to mutilate anyone that they could find.
And that is what they did.
These were Cossacks with smartphones.
They called their families to brag
that they had murdered Jews.
Dad, Dad, I killed 10 Jews, said one.
Others filmed the slaughter from their GoPros.
Some used cell phones of the victims themselves
to upload the footage of their torture and their murder
so their families would have to encounter it first on their Facebook pages.
In all of this, the terrorists are laughing.
They are euphoric.
There is no one who has watched that horrifying, unedited
footage who fails to note the hideous glee of the butchers.
Some Israels were literally disappeared on October 7,
and I'm not talking about the hostages.
I'm talking
about people that were burned at such high heat that volunteers are still
sifting through the bones and the remnant teeth to identify them. But more
than 200 people are currently being held hostage by Hamas and more than 1,400
were murdered in those terrible hours. Among the dead
are some 30 American citizens and there are at least 10 Americans among the
hostages. All of which is why the immediate analogy the world reached for
was to 9-11. As with 9-11, the terrorists caught their victims by surprise on a
clear blue morning.
As with 9-11, the spectacle and the savagery were the point.
As with 9-11, the terrorists notched points on their sadistic scoreboard, taking from
us not just precious lives, but our sense of safety and security.
They changed something within us. But the difference between 9-11 and 10-7,
two massacres of innocent people,
symbols to their killers of Western civilization,
was the reaction to the horror.
The difference between 9-11 and 10-7
was that the catastrophe of 10-7
was followed on October 8th by a different
kind of catastrophe. A moral and spiritual catastrophe that was on full
display throughout the West before the bodies of those men and women and
children had even been identified. People poured into the streets of our capital cities to celebrate the slaughter.
In Sydney, crowds gathered at the Opera House cheering,
Gas the Jews!
People rejoiced on the streets of Berlin and London and Toronto and New York and Paris.
Then came BLM Chicago using the paraglider, a symbol of mass death as a symbol of freedom.
Then came posters across our campuses calling for Israel to burn.
Then came our own offices at the Free Press in New York City vandalized with F-Jews and F-Israel.
Then came Harvard's task force to create safe spaces for pro-Hammaz students.
And then, as thunder follows lightning, more dead Jews.
An anti-Israel protester outside of Los Angeles killed a 69-year-old Jewish man this week for the apparent sin of waving an Israeli flag,
though NBC's initial headline made it hard to follow.
Man dies after hitting head during Israel
and Palestinian rallies in California, officials say.
In lockstep, the social justice crowd,
the crowd who has tried so hard to convince us
that words are violence,
insisted that actual violence was a necessity,
that rape was resistance, that torture was liberation.
University presidents who leapt to issue
morally lucid condemnations of George Floyd's killing
or Putin's war against Ukraine offered silence
or mealy mouthed pablum about how the situation is complex
and how we need to
think of both sides as if there's some kind of equivalence between
innocent civilians and jihadists. But the most alarming of all were the young
people who threw their support not behind the innocent victims of Hamas
terror but behind Hamas and genocide.
At George Washington University, just down the road,
students projected the words, glory to our martyrs,
and free Palestine from the river to the sea,
in giant letters on a campus building.
At Cooper Union in Manhattan, Jewish students
had to hide in the library because a mob was pounding
on the door. At Columbia, my old professor Joseph Massad called the slaughter
awesome. At Cornell, professor Russell Rickford said it was energizing and
exhilarating. At Harvard, more than 30 student groups signed a petition that
found a way to blame Jewish victims for their own deaths, saying that they, quote,
hold the Israeli regime entirely responsible
for the unfolding violence.
At Princeton, hundreds of students chanted,
globalize the Intifada, which can only mean one thing,
open season on Jews worldwide.
At NYU, students held posters that read,
Keep the World Clean,
with drawings of Jewish stars in garbage cans.
Hip young people with pronouns in their bios
are not just chanting the slogans
of a genocidal death cult.
They are going around and tearing down the photographs
of women and children
who are currently being held hostage in tunnels that run under the Gaza Strip.
And they do so gleefully. They laugh. They mock the nine-month-old baby who was
stolen from his parents. And in doing so, they are tearing down, or at least they are trying to tear down, the
essence of our common humanity, or perhaps even the reality that the hostages were taken
at all.
Or maybe it's that they're trying to extinguish their memory, or the people actually had it
coming to them.
Or maybe, and I say this as the mother of a young child
in whose face I see the face of every single child being held captive,
they are trying to tear down the divine image
that is at the very root of our civilization's conception
of the dignity and the equality of every human life.
What could possibly explain this? of the dignity and the equality of every human life.
What could possibly explain this?
The easy answer is that the human beings who were slaughtered on October 7th were Jews,
and that antisemitism is the world's oldest hatred,
and that in every generation,
someone rises up to destroy us.
They tried to wipe us out, they failed. Let's eat. That's the
oldest Jewish joke in the world. But that's not the whole answer. And that's because the
proliferation of anti-Semitism, as always, is a symptom. When anti-Semitism moves from
the shameful fringe into the public square, it is not about
Jews.
It is never about Jews.
It is about everyone else.
It is about the society or the culture or the country where it is being allowed to proliferate.
Anti-Semitism is a warning system it is it is a sign that the society itself is
breaking down that it is dying it is a symptom of a much deeper crisis one that
explains how in the span of a little over 20 years since September 11th
educated people now respond to an act of savagery not with a defense of civilization but
with a defense of barbarism. It was 20 years ago when I was a college student
that I began to encounter an ideology that drives the people who tear down the
posters. It was 20 years ago that I started writing about this ideology that seemed to contradict everything I had been taught since I was a child.
At first, the things I encountered, like post-modernism and post-colonialism and post-nationalism,
seemed like wordplay or intellectual games,
little puzzles to see how you could deconstruct just about anything.
little puzzles to see how you could deconstruct just about anything. But what I came to see over time was that it wasn't going to remain an academic sideshow,
and that it sought nothing less than the deconstruction of our society from within.
This ideology seeks to upend the very ideas of right and wrong.
It replaces the basic ideas of good and evil
with a new rubric, the powerless, good,
and the powerful, bad.
It replaces lots of things like that, colorblindness
with race obsession, ideas with identity,
debate with denunciation and
deplatforming, persuasion with public shaming, the rule of law with the fury of
the mob. People were to be given authority in this new order, I learned,
not in recognition of their gifts, their hard work, their talents, their
accomplishments, or their contributions to society, but in
inverse proportion to the disadvantage their group had suffered as defined by radical ideologues.
And so as an undergraduate, I watched in horror sounding alarms as loudly as I could back
then.
I was told by most adults,
including Jewish communal leaders that,
yeah, it wasn't great,
but don't be so hysterical.
Campus were always hotbeds of political radicalism, they said.
In this ideology, they promised me would surely
dissipate as young people made their way into the world.
They were wrong.
It did not do that.
Over the past two decades,
I saw this inverted, morally perverse worldview
swallow all of the sense-making institutions
of American life.
It started in the universities.
Then it moved beyond the Quad to cultural institutions,
including some that
my wife and I know well, like the New York Times, as well as to every major museum, philanthropy,
and media company. It has taken root in the HR departments of every major corporation.
It is inside our high schools and even our elementary schools. And of course, as everyone in this room knows,
it has come to the law itself.
When you see a federal judge shouted down at Stanford,
you are seeing this ideology at work.
When you see people screaming outside of the homes
of certain Supreme Court justices,
causing them to need round-the-clock security,
you are seeing its logic.
The takeover of core American institutions
by this ideology is so comprehensive
that it's hard sometimes for people to even notice it
because it's everywhere.
Now for Jews, there are obvious and glaring dangers
in a worldview that measures fairness by equality of outcome
rather than by equality of opportunity.
If underrepresentation is the inevitable outcome of systemic bias,
then overrepresentation, and Jews are 2% of the American population,
suggests not talent or hard work, but unearned privilege.
population, suggests not talent or hard work, but unearned privilege. This conspiratorial conclusion is not actually that far removed from the hateful portrait
of a small group of Jews divvying up the ill-gotten spoils of an exploited world.
And it's not only Jews who suffer from the suggestion that merit and excellence are dirty words. It
is every single American. It is strivers of every race, ethnicity, and class. That
is why Asian American success, for example, is seen as so suspicious. The
percentages are off. The scores are too high. The starting point is poor immigrants is too low.
From whom did they steal all of that success?
The week since October 7th has been a mark to market moment.
In other words, everyone can now see
how very deep these ideas run.
And we see clearly that they are not just metaphors. Decolonization
isn't just a clever turn of phrase or a new way to read novels.
It is a sincerely held political view that serves as a predicate to violence.
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and conditions apply. If you want to understand how it could be
that the editor of the Harvard Law Review
was caught on camera a few weeks ago
physically intimidating a Jewish student,
or how a public defender in Manhattan
recently spent her evening tearing down posters
of kidnapped Israeli children,
it is because they believe this,
and they believe it is just.
And their moral calculus is as crude as you can imagine.
Israelis and Jews, powerful, successful colonizers,
so they're bad.
Hamas is weak.
They're considered people of color, so they're good.
And no, it doesn't matter that the majority of Israelis
are also people of color.
That baby, he's a colonizer first and a baby second.
That woman, gang raped by terrorists,
shame it had to come to that, but she's a white oppressor.
This is the ideology of vandalism,
in the true sense of the word, the vandal sacked Rome.
It is the ideology of nihilism.
It knows nothing about how to build.
It only knows how to tear down and destroy.
And it has already torn down so very much.
The civilization that feels as natural to us as oxygen,
that takes thousands of years,
thousands of nudges of progress, thousands
of forgotten sacrifices and risks to build up to.
But vandals can make very quick work of that.
Reagan used to say that freedom is never more than one generation from extinction.
And the same can be said of our civilization. If
anything good can come out of the nightmare that began on October 7th, it
is this. We have been shaken awake. We know the gravity of the stakes.
Mistakes are not theoretical, they are real. So what can we do? First, we need to look. We must recover
our ability to look and discern accordingly. We must look past the
sloganeering and the propaganda and take a hard look at what is in
front of our eyes. Look first of course at what just
happened, at the barbarism that Hamas carried out. Then look at the reaction to
it. Take stock of how profoundly the lies and the rot have traveled, how badly the
forces of civilization and of good are faring in this battle.
How it is that the most educated, the most pedigreed,
have become the most morally confused.
The suspect in the killing of Paul Kessler
is a college professor.
To see the world as it is, we have
to prize the distinctions that so many have forgotten.
The distinctions between good and bad, better and worse, pain and not pain, safety and danger, just
and unjust, friends and enemies. I do not need context to know that tying children
to their parents and burning them alive is evil. Just as I don't need a history lesson in the Arab-Israeli conflict
to know that the Arab-Israelis who saved scores of Jewish Israelis that day are righteous.
Look carefully. Look at your enemies and your allies.
And I say that to myself more than to you.
Many of you have no doubt understood this
for far longer than I have, but for many people,
especially many people in my cohort,
friends and enemies are not who they were,
not who they thought they were before October 7th.
Accepting this might be hard for some of you
as it has been for me.
It might mean giving up on nice things, giving up on Harvard, giving up on the club, or your New York Times
subscription. Sorry, wrong crowd.
But you get my point. The point is that things, prestige, they are not the point of our lives.
Harvard and Yale don't give us value.
We give us value.
Something beyond ourselves gives us value.
Something that is visible in the faces of so many people before me right now.
And in recognizing allies, I'll be an example right now.
I am a gay woman who is moderately pro-choice.
I know that there are some people in this room
who don't believe that my marriage should have been legal.
And that's okay, because we're all Americans who want lower taxes.
But I am here because I know that in the fight for the West,
who my allies really are.
And they are not the people who, looking
at facile external markers of my
identity that I might imagine them to be. My allies, true allies, are people who
believe that America is good.
My allies are people who believe that the West is good and that human beings are created equal and that saying so is essential to knowing what we are fighting for.
America and our values, those are things worth fighting for. And that, and not any number of nonsensical
or at least tertiary culture war issues,
that is the priority of the day.
The other thing to look for right now is for the good.
To look for the good in these moments of darkness
and to not lose sight of it.
There's a New York coffee shop owner named Aaron DeHaan.
He had all of his baristas quit the other day
because he put an Israeli flag in the window
and began fundraising for Magenda Vida Dome,
which is the Israeli Red Cross.
So they all quit, but his cafe didn't close.
It was quite the opposite.
Suppliers sent him free shipments of beans and cups
community members picked up shifts for him for free there were lines around the block on the
upper east side just to buy a cup of coffee his cafe made 25 000 in a single day just this week
american cowboys i hope you guys have seen these guys on social media, American
cowboys from the Great Plains and the Rockies traveled to Israel to tend the fields and
animals of Israeli farmers who have been killed in the past month.
This is the opposite of the cheap solidarity of standing with Hamas that we see across
our campuses and in our city centers.
This is the essence of the West. This is the
essence of the idea that free people and free societies must stick together.
It's not just, as James Woolsey once put it, that we're all Jews now. The reverse is also true.
Israel is a mirror for the West and for the United States, whose founders saw a version of themselves
in the biblical nation that also inspired
the modern Zionists, whose descendants are now looking
toward America with gratitude, but also with alarm,
sensing a shared struggle ahead.
So the first thing we must do is look. The second thing that we
really you must do is enforce the law. The wave
the wave of the so-called progressive prosecutors that have been elected across many of our
cities has proven to be an immensely bad thing for law and order in cities across America.
It turns out that choosing not to enforce the law doesn't actually reduce crime, it
promotes it.
And it is no coincidence
that many of the same activists who have pushed to defund the police are now the
people physically harassing Jews in our streets. Everyone in America deserves
equal protection, not only of the law but from the forces of chaos and violence. In
Brooklyn there have been an unconscionable number
of violent attacks against Orthodox Jews over the past decade, and they've been correctly identified
as hate crimes. But they're also simply crimes that if the law were upheld would be far less
likely to happen, whatever their motivation. Masking at protests is illegal in many states,
so that it doesn't become an attempt at mass intimidation,
a la the KKK.
Now maybe that's a good idea, maybe it's a bad one,
but in nearby Virginia, it happens to be the law.
And yet, as David Bernstein recently pointed out
in Eugene Volokh's blog, at George Mason
University's Fairfax campus, nearly all of the protesters at a recent Student for Justice
in Palestine rally were masked, completely covered.
Were they punished for breaking the law?
I suspect if they had, we would have read about it.
The rallies that we're seeing right now would likely be less susceptible to erupting in violence
if the attendants weren't covering their faces.
So don't allow selective enforcement of this law or any others.
If neo-Nazis and white supremacists can't do it, then neither can Hamas sympathizers.
The third thing, no more double standards on speech.
Public universities are constitutionally forbidden from imposing content-based restrictions on free speech and yet that's precisely what they have been doing. Ask any
conservative, and I know a few now, who's tried to speak at a public university
and had a security fee imposed on them or had their speech quietly removed off
campus into a small restricted venue whether there aren't
sorry or had their sorry let me start that over again ask any conservative
who's tried to speak at a public university and had a security fee
imposed on them or had their speech quietly moved to an off-campus venue
private universities can legally restrict speech but their restrictions
can't be enforced discriminatory and, and yet they are. I'm
just going to give you one quite amazing example from Yale Law School. In 2021, in an example I'm
sure all of you will know, law student Trent Colbert invited classmates to his trap house
in his announcement of a Constitution Day bash hosted by Fed Soc and the Native American Law Students Association.
It took 12 hours for administrators to process discrimination complaints,
haul Colbert in for a meeting, and suggest his career was on the line
if he didn't sign an apology that they wrote on his behalf.
The law school dean also authorized a
message condemning his language. Why all of this hullabaloo? Because trap house
was a term that some claimed had racist associations with crack houses. But when
Jewish students wrote that Dean two weeks after the Hamas attacks detailing
the anti-semitic
vitriol they had received they got a formulaic reply from the deputy
directing them to student support services for certain students kid gloves
for others the ma of whatever hate their classmates and professors can dream up
the universities are playing favorites based on the speech they prefer and the racial group
hierarchies that they have established.
It is a nasty game and they need to be called out for it.
Fourth, and this is my last, accept that you are the last line of defense and fight, fight,
fight.
If you study history and if you look at where Jews stand for better and generally for worse, you will understand
with almost a hundred percent certainty where a culture, where a country, or where
civilization stands. Whether it's on the way up or on the way down, whether it's
expanding in its freedoms or whether it's contracting them. Where liberty
thrives, Jews thrive. Where difference is celebrated, genuine
difference, Jews are celebrated. And where freedom of thought and of faith and of speech are protected,
Jews tend to be too. And when such virtues are regarded as threats or thrown to the side,
Jews will be too. As goes Ohio, so goes the nation is the
famous political phrase. The Jews, please don't quote me on this, we're Ohio. And
nothing is guaranteed, nothing. The right ideas don't win on their own. They need a voice. They need prosecutors. It's time to defend our values,
the values that have made this country the freest, most tolerant society in the history of the world,
and to do that without hesitation or apology. The leftist intellectual Sidney Hook, who broke with
the communists and called his memoir out of
step for that reason, used to implore those around him to always answer an accusation or a charge,
to never let a falsehood stand unchallenged. We as a culture are leaders. We have let too much
go unchallenged. Too many lies have spread in the face of inaction.
Inaction that's come as the result of fear or wanting to be polite.
No more.
You are the last line of defense.
Every person is the last line of defense, and we have to think about it that way.
Don't bite your tongue.
Don't tremble.
Don't go along with the little lies.
Be the skunk at the garden party.
Speak up, break the wall of lies,
and let nothing go unchallenged.
Our enemy's failure is not assured,
and there is no cavalry coming.
We are the cavalry, and our civilization depends on us.
Now I'm gonna close with maybe something
unusual for a Federalist Society lecture but it's a very very rare thing for me
to not be sitting at a Shabbat dinner table on a Friday night as the Sun sets
so I hope you'll let me close with a little bit of Torah. Tomorrow in every
synagogue around the world we'll read the portion of the Torah where Abraham, Abraham's wife Sarah, dies at the ripe old age of 127.
We read in the Bible that she died in Kiryat Arba, now Hebron, in the land of Canaan.
And we read that when she does, as the Bible says, Abraham proceeded to mourn for Sarah and
to bewail her and the very next verse goes like this then Abraham rose from
beside his dead and spoke to the Hittites saying I I am a resident alien
among you sell me a burial site among you so that I may remove my dead for
burial so that's the first thing he
does. He buys a plot of land to bury Sarah. And the second thing he does is
that he goes to find a wife for his son Isaac. The late great holy man, Rabbi
Jonathan Sacks, who I was blessed to know, tells us this about the
sequence of events. Abraham heard the future calling to him. Sarah had died.
Isaac was unmarried. Abraham had neither land nor grandchildren. He did not cry
out in anger or anguish to God. Instead, he heard the still small voice saying, the next step
depends on you. You must create a future that I will fill with my spirit. That is
how Abraham survived the shock and the grief, writes Rabbi Sacks. This is how
generations of Jews before me have survived. This is how every civilization survives.
I am so honored, as I said before, to be here speaking in this place
in honor of someone who stood up courageously for all the things that mattered most
and who was murdered by the enemies that we are fighting still today.
Her memory is a blessing for me. There is
another phrase though that traditional Jews invoke when speaking of someone who
has been murdered and that is Hashem Yikom Dama, may God avenge her death.
We human beings leave vengeance in the hands of God, but fighting, fighting is for all of us, especially when there is something so precious worth fighting for.
Ted once said of Barbara that Barbara was Barbara because America, unlike any place in the world,
gave her the space, freedom, oxygen, encouragement, and inspiration to be whatever she wanted to be.
There is no place like this country. There is no second America for us to run to if this one fails.
So get up, get up and fight for our future.
This is the fight of and for our lives.
Thank you.
Thank you.