Hidden Brain - You 2.0: How To See Yourself Clearly
Episode Date: August 8, 2022How well do we know ourselves? Maybe the better question to ask is how well can we truly know ourselves? Psychologist Tim Wilson says introspection only gets us so far, and that we often make importan...t decisions in life and love for reasons we don't even realize. But he says there are some simple ways to improve our self-knowledge. If you like this show, be sure to check out our other work, including our two recent episodes on how our mindsets shape our lives in subtle but profound ways. Episode 1 looks at  how we respond to stress, and episode 2 examines how our beliefs about food and exercise affect our bodies. Also, if you'd like to support our work, you can do so at support.hiddenbrain.org. Thanks!Â
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This is Hidden Brain, I'm Shankar Vedanta.
From high school football coaches to career counsellors,
professional advice givers often have a simple mantra.
Look within.
You have the answers you've been searching for.
Ask yourself the important questions
and then listen to your inner voice.
Such advice is especially common in countries with individualistic cultures,
such as the United States.
We believe our answers have to come from within,
because each of us is a unique individual on our own special journey.
We celebrate the idea of marching to our own drummer,
with disparaged people who follow the herd. journey. We celebrate the idea of marching to our own drummer, with the
sparrage people who follow the herd.
In recent years, however, a variety of psychological research experiments have
raised serious questions about how well we know ourselves.
Some of these experiments raise profound questions about how well we can know ourselves.
This is the second installment of our annual series, YouTube.0, where we try to answer some
of life's most profound questions with wisdom and compassion. Last week, we considered how
we can take advantage of our capacity for
rumination. This week on Hidden Brain we ask is the best path forward to look within or without?
Every day throughout our lives we have to make decisions big and small. We have to decide what to eat, whom to hang out with, when to call it quits on a job that's gone sour.
We have a simple way to confront these choices. We ask ourselves what we should do. This
process is so routine and automatic that most of us
never stop to ask, is there a better way? At the University of Virginia,
psychologists Tim Wilson thinks long and hard about staff most of us don't
think much about. One area that has fascinated him is how we decide what's best
for us and how we ought to be going about it. Tim Wilson, welcome to Hidden Brain.
Great to be here, Shankar. Thanks for about it. Tim Wilson, welcome to Hidden Brain.
Great to be here, Sean Carter. Thanks for inviting me. Tim, I want to start with some examples
from your own life on how people make choices. A friend of yours whom you call Susan was in
a relationship with a guy named Stephen. Both names are pseudonyms. How did Susan describe
Stephen to you? Well, see, was in a relationship with him for well over a year.
And was convinced that she was in love with him,
that he was a perfect match for her.
He kind of checked off all the boxes
of what she was looking for.
He was a really nice guy, sweet and kind.
They were both social workers. The only problem was that for those of us
who knew them, it didn't bring true. We weren't convinced this isn't really felt the way she said she
did. And she would sometimes seem to make excuses not to see him on weekends and she just wasn't acting the way someone who is in love, deeply in love with someone typically would act,
or in fact how she had acted in some previous relationships.
Sometime later, the relationship came to an end. Tim didn't tell Susan, I told you so.
That's partly because he's a nice guy, but it's also because while he had misgivings about Susan's relationship, he never actually confided his concerns to her.
I have to say, I just didn't feel it was my place to sort of puncture the book. I kind
of wanted to, but I didn't think she would be terribly receptive to it. As most of us wouldn't
to hear someone tell us
that we didn't know what we're doing.
There have been other times
Tim has picked up things about his friends
that they didn't seem to perceive themselves.
One glaring example, a friend who claimed to be
a social introvert.
Mike has always referred to himself as being shy
and introverted, which is quite surprising to those of us who know him
because he seems anything but, he's quite gregarious and can be in a circle of people at a party
and be telling funny stories and seems quite at ease in social situations and doesn't seem
introverted at all. I want to look at a third example in your own life about the mismatch between how people
perceive themselves and how others perceive them.
You know of a couple, both of them psychologists, in fact, who told you they were house hunting.
What kind of a home were they looking for to?
I have to chalk out this story because in order to figure out which house to buy,
they decided to use their professional training and use the proverbial seven point scale
to rate every aspect of every house.
On a seven point scale, how good is the layout?
How good is the broom closet?
How good is the vocation?
Aggregate all these data at the end and
compute what the best house was for them. Well, so they're credit. They realize after a few houses,
this was ridiculous. And if anything, confuse them more than clarified which house they wanted.
So they finally abandoned the seven point scale. Now, you also have the opportunity to observe people who are experts in dealing with
others. And one of them is a real estate agent, Nancy Caperton.
Does she indulge people like your friends who have detailed wish lists for their homes?
Well, Nancy was our real estate agent.
My wife's in mine.
I grabbed Nancy.
She was so smart and insightful.
She would, in her first meeting with clients, sit down with them and ask them a detail what
they were looking for and listen carefully. And she told me this later that she would then
ignore everything they said. She just didn't trust that people knew themselves with it.
I said, she just didn't trust that people knew themselves with it. Why?
So what she do is take them to a variety of houses, some in town, some out of town, some with
big yards, some with small yards, some old, some new.
And she would watch very carefully for their emotional reactions when they looked at the
house and try to deduce how people felt.
And she often felt, and I think probably rightfully so, that she would discover what people wanted
more than they knew, and people in fact often bought houses that had nothing to do with their
original wish-rest.
You give me some examples of friends who fail to understand important things about their
own preferences, important things about themselves.
But you have evidence that the same thing might also be true of yourself.
Your daughter recently demonstrated an understanding of you that was greater than your own self
understanding, and it had to do with some plans you had for relan skipping your lawn.
Tell me that story to him.
Yeah, my wife and I are doing a construction in our backyard.
We're building a screened pavilion in our backyard.
But what this meant is it would cover a small gardening
plant that I've had for years, where I would grow a few
tomato plants and a few other things.
And I told my daughter that this was our plant and it was going to be great.
And she said to me, you know, over the years you've enjoyed that little vegetable plant so much.
Why are you giving that up? That's ridiculous.
And I realized she was right. And we made part of the plan to
move my garden plot to our front yard. So I now have thriving tomato plants in my front yard
and enjoying it more than I imagined.
It's the most self-evident idea in the world. When we want to know how we feel and what we want, we ask ourselves, how do I feel?
What do I want?
But as Tim started to see gaps between what his friends said they wanted and what actually
made them happy, he began to run experiments to explore the underlying psychological question.
How well do we really know ourselves?
When we come back, the obstacles to self-knowledge and the surprising path around them.
You're listening to Hidden Brain, I'm Shankar Vedantam.
This is Hidden Brain, I'm Shankar Vedantam. Psychologist Tim Wilson studies the curious
gaps between what we think will make us happy and what actually makes us happy. Between
the people we think we are and the people we actually are. At a deeper level he studies
the nature of self-knowledge and the obstacles to achieving it. Tim, you run experiments
where you ask people
to analyze their own attitudes. What kind of attitudes have volunteers in your studies
talked about? We've had them think about a variety of things, such as how they feel about
a romantic relationship they're involved in, and we ask them to make a list of all the reasons why
it's going the way it is.
So give us the pluses and minuses.
Tim has asked other volunteers about political candidates they support, about hot button
issues and the news, even about works of art.
The volunteers have shared a range of opinions as you might expect.
But when Tim and his colleagues have asked them why they have the opinions they do, no one has ever, ever given Tim one particular answer. No one
ever says, I have no idea. That has been striking. So, you know, we've asked people in that
question in lots of studies, hundreds of participants. And I don't remember anyone ever saying,
I don't know.
They come up with reasons pretty easily.
So one possibility, of course, is that when people
tell you very confidently why they have the opinions they do,
it's because they actually understand themselves well
and they're just telling you,
here's why I believe what I believe. But there's been some interesting studies of people who have some neurological problems related to memory,
and these people in fact do not have an accurate recollection of why they did certain things,
and yet when we ask them questions, when researchers ask them questions about their actions, what did they say to?
Yes, I mean, there are some fascinating case studies where people who have lost the
ability to make short-term memories really have no idea why they're in the particular
situation they are, but they quite freely give explanations.
They spin stories, they come up with a rationale. Oliver Sacks talks about a particular patient who
would, with great facility, say, oh, you must be a doctor because you're wearing a white
lap coat, and I guess you're here to examine me or, no, maybe you're the butcher from down the street.
And every five minutes, he would lose track of what had happened
previously, but nonetheless, he was able to come up with a story to explain his situation.
And Saks reports that this patient didn't even know he had a deficit, that he was so good at
explaining his current situation, that he didn't even know he had a problem.
current situation that he didn't even know he had a problem.
So what we see in this instance is someone basically actually having gaps in self-knowledge,
but almost seamlessly filling in those gaps
to persuade himself or herself
that the stories were actually true.
Yes, you know, it's just fascinating how easily people
can convince themselves that they know what they're doing
even when we know they don't.
Now, some people might say these confabulations might be true of people who have neurological
disorders or brain damage or psychiatric conditions.
It doesn't describe me.
One of your favorite studies was carried out by a group of researchers in Sweden.
Tell me what they did to him.
Yeah, just a fascinating study.
They presented participants with two photographs of two different women on each trial.
And they simply asked participants, pick the one that you think is most attractive.
And they would also ask them, could you tell me
why you picked the one you did?
And people would say, oh, well, that woman,
she had particularly pretty eyes or whatever.
Well, I'm enough to the participant on some trials,
they would show people the picture they actually had not
chosen and pretended it's the one they had.
So they would say people chose picture A
on a particular trial instead of B.
The researcher would pick up picture B,
show it to the participant and say,
well, tell me why you chose this one.
Now, the first remarkable thing was that people didn't detect
the subterfuge on most of the time.
I think only about a quarter of the time did they realize that the experimenter
had switched the pictures.
But even more remarkable, they quite easily
explained the reasons why they had chosen this particular picture,
even though it's not the one they chose.
They quite easily said always because of her eyes, her hair,
or whatever.
And the researchers went to some lengths to try to see, is there a difference in the reasons
people give for the wrong picture compared to the reasons they give for the right picture?
And they couldn't find any differences.
They weren't of different length and different detail, different content.
As if people could just kind of make up an explanation,
even when we know in this case it was for something they hadn't actually chosen.
In one case there was a male participant who was shown a picture that he hadn't chosen and he
says that the woman in the picture she's radiant, I would rather have approached her in a bar than
the other one.
I like earrings, even though he initially found the other woman who was not wearing earrings
more attractive.
It's kind of remarkable not just that people were willing to go along with the replacement
photograph that the researchers picked, but were effortlessly coming up with explanations
for why they in fact had picked the picture that they didn't pick.
Yes, yes. And you know, it makes you wonder about how much we're confabulating,
even when we're explaining our real choices.
So when most of us ask ourselves how we think about something, you know, we introspect,
we look inward and studies like this make, make you wonder
how useful is introspection.
Well, let me say, Shankar, that I, I don't mean to imply that introspection is always wrong.
It's not like we're totally close to why we're doing what we're doing.
Of course, we have a great deal of knowledge about ourselves, but it certainly can go wrong.
And, you know, in my research I've shown
this particularly when you ask people to give a lot of reasons that they can sometimes mislead themselves.
I want to stop here to underscore the irony. Many of us think that the more rational and
deliberate we can be in our decision-making, the better. Surely we think the person who is asked to come up with a list of reasons for her
decision will be happier with the decision because she has arrived at her conclusion deliberately
and thoughtfully. Tim has found the opposite is true. We've done a lot of studies where we
the opposite is true. We've done a lot of studies where we ask people simply
to write down privately and anonymously
why they feel the way they do about something.
In some studies, it was a dating partner
and some, it was food items like strawberry jams.
And then there'd be a control group
of randomly assigned participants who told us how they felt without first giving reasons.
And the question was, which group made wiser decisions or had new best how they felt?
Common wisdom is that, well, it's the people who made the list of presses and linuses that this is a wise way to make a decision or analyze our feelings. But we've
often found the opposite, the people who give detailed reasons, particularly for things
that are hard to explain like a romantic partner, they mislead themselves. I end up, you know,
things come to mind that maybe didn't match their actual feelings, but they convince themselves
that, oh, that must be how I really felt. I just thought about that time my partner did some really annoying
thing. Maybe things aren't going as well as I thought they were. So, that proverbial list
of pluses and minuses aren't always a great thing to do.
In another experiment, you asked people to pick one of two art posters that were on display
and allowed them to take home their chosen poster, but for half the volunteers you just left it at
that, but for the other half you asked them to analyze why they chose the poster they did,
and then three weeks later you surveyed all the people who took their posters home about how they
felt about that choice. What did you find?
Well, again, I think common wisdom is that the people who made their choice
thoughtfully by first-wasting pluses and minuses should be the ones who made a decision
that they would end up liking the best. But again, we found the opposite.
It was the group that just kind of went with their gut feelings without analyzing why that told us later that they really liked their poster.
They were more apt to have put it up on their wall. And I think what happened to the
reasons group is that they focused just on what was easy to put into words. And in the moment
that we've come up with these reasons,
we talk ourselves into this feeling,
oh, I must like this poster because I was able to put
into words reasons why it was the best one.
But that as time goes by, those reasons kind of fade.
We're not thinking as much about exactly why we like it
and our original feelings probably
return.
And so, you know, why did I choose this poster?
It's really not very attractive now that I think about it.
Your research on the barriers to self-knowledge has found that our efforts to know ourselves also
are challenged by another obstacle.
We commonly experience a failure of imagination when we try to
predict how we'll feel in the future. Can you explain the idea of affective forecasting to me please?
Sure. With my friend and colleague Daniel Gilbert, we've done a lot of research looking at how
well people can predict their future feelings. And we find some systematic errors.
I mean, first of all, let me say people aren't terrible at this.
I mean, we know generally things that will make us happy
and things that will make us sad.
But exactly how sad or how happy or how long
that happiness or sadness will last.
We do make mistakes.
And we actually tend to think things
will have more of an impact
on us than they typically do.
So back in 1980, Tim, I understand you had a very joyful experience that was connected
with your hometown team winning the World Series.
Tell me about that moment and how long you thought that feeling would last and how long it
lasted.
I am a long-suffering Philadelphia Phillies baseball fan having grown up in Philadelphia.
For people who know their baseball, the Phillies went many, many years without winning the
World Series.
Until finally in 1980, they went all the way in one.
Well, Lee, Philadelphia fillings of the World
Champions.
It's happening here in his fans.
Everybody said we couldn't win.
They said no, the fillings aren't good enough.
They don't have heart.
They don't have character.
We have all of the above.
Believe me.
You see the K9 core in the backdrop.
And I remember vividly watching the last game of the World
Series in my living room with a good friend who had also grown up in Philadelphia and was an avid baseball fan.
And once the final out was recorded, we were just speechless., how long did that happen this last?
You know, when I thought about it over the next couple of days,
it was pleasurable, but it's not like my life changed in any appreciable way.
It certainly didn't last as long as I thought it might have.
And this sort of return to an emotional baseline also happens with negative emotions as well,
right? So negative events don't bother us as long as we might forecast that they will.
Yeah, maybe even more so with negative events because we have this, what we've called a
psychological immune system that is able to ward off negative events
and recover from them quickly. Now, don't get me wrong. Painful things feel painful
and when tragic things happen, it's awful. But the good news is that we have this psychological system
that's able to reach some understanding of the event, find some meaning in it, and not think about it as long as we might anticipate.
I understand that in your own life, Tim, you've lost both your parents, but also a brother.
What were these events like when they happened, and how did they change over time? Well, like most people my age have experienced a lot of loss of family members and friends
in the last 10 years I lost both my parents.
And, you know, as sad as it was, I was, I think I recovered, you know, fairly well from it.
Both my parents lived long and happy lives.
So it's something that when I think about, I'm able to feel sad, but life goes on.
My brother's in other situation. his own life when he was 25 and that is a much more difficult event to try to come to terms with
understand. And so, you know, I think it's fair to say that had a much longer impact on me. I think
about it more. But even there, if you would ask me in advance of these tragedies, what will the lasting impact of them be?
And this is what we find in our research,
that the people tend to say they're going to agree
for last much longer than it does.
What is your theory, Tim, about why we have these gaps in self-knowledge
when it comes to our preferences, when it comes to our forecasts?
Why is it that our internal mechanisms,
which most people imagine are very finely tuned
to perceive reality accurately, why are they failing us?
Well, there's also debate over this
with that fact of forecasting.
There are some who argue that it can actually be functional
to overestimate the impact of future events
because it gets us out of bed in the morning
and makes us work hard towards achieving
the good things in life and avoiding the bad things.
I think that may be part of it,
but we have found the same kind of overestimation of impact
even for events we can't control, like sporting events.
Not everything's functional. I think our unconscious is our unconscious that's doing the work to reduce the impact of events.
And by definition, we can't anticipate that in the future.
We don't know what our unconscious is going to do.
So it seems like I'll be thinking about that Philly's victory for weeks, not realizing that,
well, you know, my mind will get back to normal much more quickly than I think.
So you haven't just studied how introspection is in all that it's cracked up to be and the problems we have in self-knowledge.
You've also studied what we can do about the problem.
Now, I want to start with a story.
When you and your wife go out to a restaurant,
she look at the menu and then the two of you have
what is by now a familiar conversation.
Paying to picture of a time this recently happened to you
and describe that conversation for me too.
Well, I have to chuckle because I think
each in our own way knows the other's preferences better than we do
So in my wife's case
I'm sure often look at the menu and
She'll say something like oh here's a dish that looks interesting. It has a regular in it
Maybe I'll order that and I say
Honey, you've never liked a regular. I don't recall any time you've ever enjoyed a dish
with a regular.
Why don't you order a steak, which I know shall enjoy more.
And I think in the end would admit.
But in fairness, I think the same is true of our,
when we order a beer, which we like to do,
she knows exactly what kind of beer she likes, a HZIPA, whereas I sometimes
think, well, I like HZIPAs, but maybe I'll try a Pilsner tonight. She says, no, you're
going to enjoy the HZIPA more and she's right.
So I want to drill down on this just a minute because, yes, at one level, it seems intuitively
obvious that people who are close to us would know us very well.
But there actually are some really interesting psychological dimensions to it.
How is it that you know what she wants better than she does to?
The people who know us well are good observers of our behavior and they can deduce from our actions what we like and what we don't.
And sometimes, you know, we have theories ourselves that just go awry and don't match those
preferences. So, you know, it's the people who are good observers of us who often can deduce our feelings better than we can.
And of course, over the course of many meals, you've observed her facial expressions and non-verbal behaviors
when she's ordered the arugula salad versus the steak, and she has observed your reactions when you are ordered different kinds of beer.
Yes, and notices that the glasses still have fall by the end of the night. So in some ways, you know, when we think about
people's opinions, we sort of imagine asking them their opinions for them to
tell us, but what you're pointing out is that there is, you know, what researchers
might call non-verbal leakage here, where separate from whatever you're saying,
you have other facial features, expressions, body language to communicate how you're feeling, and in some ways that might be at odds with what
you're reporting verbally. Yes, now again I don't want to exaggerate this, I don't
mean to say we're clueless about how we feel, but I do think there are times when
we get it wrong and in those cases, you know, looking at how someone reacts on their face
can be quite telling.
We've seen how our friends can sometimes see us
more clearly than we can see ourselves.
They notice things about us.
They can see things we might wish to ignore.
But the most remarkable piece of evidence
that others can know us more deeply than we can
know ourselves comes from a study that asks people to assess their own personalities and
the personalities of their friends.
The study then linked this data to when the volunteers died.
Well, this is a remarkable study.
It looks at some data from the 1930s,
in which they had a sample of people,
and they had both the participants' ratings
of their own personality.
But they also had five friends' rate
that person's personality.
On the typical personality dimensions
of how conscientious they were,
how extroverted, how open to experience
and so on. And because the study was done in the 1930s, they were curious as to, well, what
predicted best how long the participants lived, their own ratings of their personality or
their friends rating of their personality.
Now, we've known for a while that some personality traits are linked with how long people live.
People high in conscientiousness, for example, tend to have longer lives.
The researchers looked at whether people described themselves as conscientious
and whether their friends did so.
And the friends out-predicted the participants themselves. Their ratings, particularly of their friends' conscientiousness,
were a better predictor of how long people
live than people's own ratings.
So, in other words, personality ratings
made by one's friends early in one's life
accurately predicted 75 years in advance how long people
would live. Yes, I mean, I think it's telling the country
interest is one of the best predictors because perhaps people who are as careful as attentive
to their own health, more risk-taking are the ones who aren't going to live as well.
To be clear, there are domains where we know more about ourselves than people who are close to us.
Tim's point is not that our friends always know us better than we do.
He's merely questioning the deeply held belief most of us have
that we know ourselves better than anyone else can know us.
I mean, we have so much unique information about ourselves.
I mean, someone who didn't know I was a baseball fan would not be able to predict that on that
fateful night in 1980, I would be euphoric over the Phillies winning the World Series.
But I think what we overestimate is how much our own knowledge can sometimes mislead
us, that we're convinced we're in a good mood because of X, Y, or Z,
when in fact that's not the case.
We've seen how other people who are close friends and family can know things about us
that we might not know about ourselves.
But surely, that wouldn't be the case if those other people was strangers, right?
You're listening to Hidden Brain, I'm Shankar Vedantam.
This is Hidden Brain, I'm Shankar Vedantam.
Psychologist Tim Wilson is the author of the book,
Strangers to Ourselves.
His research finds when not very good
at engaging in
affective forecasting that is predicting how we will feel and what we will want
in the future. Instead we often project how we are feeling now into the future.
If we are unhappy now we imagine we will stay unhappy. If we are
deliriously happy we think the feeling will last forever.
Tim researchers have found a way for people to get a much better sense of how we think the feeling will last forever.
Tim, researchers have found a way for people to get a much better sense of how they'll feel in the future,
using a technique called surrogation.
What is surrogation?
Well, it's basically trusting how other people have reacted.
So if I want to try to guess how I'll feel if some event occurs, people who have experienced
that event are probably a pretty good source of information to at least act as a guide
as to how I will feel.
And in some ways this gets around the problem of imagination that we talked about earlier,
which is that if we are
not very good at imagining how we're going to feel in the future, in some ways this removes
the element of imagination from judging how we might end up feeling. Yes, it basically hands
over the problems that someone else was already experienced and said, well, they liked it. I guess maybe I would too.
So Tim, you've investigated the effect of surrogation in a study with your colleague Dan Gilbert using speed data. Can you tell me about that study, please?
The basic question was, who could predict best how much they would like a man in a speed date?
could predict best how much they would like a man in a speed date. Those who were given a personal profile of the man, including his picture, or another group that was given no information
about the guy, except they found out how one other woman had rights him after she had a speed date
with him. That was the surrogation condition. I don't know anything about this guy except how one of the person felt. And then I have to predict how I would feel.
And it turns out that we did a better job of knowing how they'd feel,
of predicting how they'd feel, knowing how one other woman felt, did a better
job of predicting how they'd feel. The ones that got us profile actually were
somewhat surprised that sometimes
they didn't like him as much as they thought they would, or maybe they liked him a little more
than they thought they would, but the best guy was knowing how one other woman had
felt about him. That's kind of remarkable that a stranger who knows nothing about me
is better able to predict how I will enjoy a situation than I can myself.
We may be underestimating how much sometimes we're all
like in our preferences.
We tend to like the same kind of movies.
And for college women, we have similar impressions
of another college man.
And in those situations where there's
not much very incententenium, it can be quite useful to know how somebody else felt.
So I want to dive a little deeper into one of the ideas you just mentioned just now, Tim, which is that one reason we might not wish to engage in segregation is I might tell myself, look, it's true that other women may have, you know, impressions about this guy that are positive or negative,
but ultimately, it's my impressions of him that really will determine whether I like him or not,
because of course those other women are not like me. I'm different from them. Can you talk about
this idea that it's the feeling of uniqueness, perhaps the illusion of uniqueness, that in some ways
is behind part of our reticence to engage in surrogation.
Yes, I mean, I do think we like to believe
that we have a unique reaction to the world,
and we're not just like sheep reacting the same way.
In another study, we actually gave people
both kinds of information.
We gave them surrogation information
how one other person felt, or a description
of this food item. And people went with a description and ignored how much someone else had
felt, because as you said, I think that why is that relevant to me? I don't care what
another person felt. This food sounds particularly delicious or not. But again, I think we
underestimate how a lot of times there isn't as much variance in the opinion of
the world as we think there is. Researches once set up an experiment where
groups of customers at a microbrewery were offered different samples of beer.
And it's an interesting study about the nature of Saragation Tim.
Can you tell me what they found?
They were looking at the phenomenon
that when a group of people are at a restaurant,
there's pressure to be unique
and not order what someone else had ordered.
It somehow just seems like we're not expressing our individuality
if you just ordered the irregular salad and I really wanted that, but I don't want to lookity if you just ordered the
arugula salad and I really wanted that but I don't want to look like I'm just
copying you. So the researchers did a very clever study with beers actually where
they presented people with beers in groups, the groups of customers. And in one
condition they simulated the normal situation where each person took turns ordering
which beer they wanted.
But in another condition, they had people just check off on a piece of paper, which one
they wanted, without knowing what the other said checked.
And in that condition, there was more overlap as to what people ordered.
And people enjoyed the beer they got more.
They were less likely to regret what they ordered.
They got what they wanted more
when they didn't have to worry about
what other people had done.
I remember speaking some time ago with Dan Gilbert
who's at Harvard and at that university
they have this system where students can essentially
check out different professors in shopping week as it's I think, in the early part of the semester.
And then doing some of these studies would always be more than the fact that students would say the only way for me to tell if I like this class is to actually sit in the class previously attended the entire semester with the professor thought about him or her.
But no matter how much data you present to people, people prefer to actually sit on the
class and make up their own minds, quote unquote, make up their own minds rather than rely
on the information of targets.
That's a great example.
I mean, what we see through our own senses seems so much more compelling than hearing how
one or the person felt, even though it's not always true.
You know, the studies remind me of a story, and I'm not sure if the story is apocryphal,
but in the early days of Netflix, when the streaming service was trying to determine
what people would want to watch, Netflix would ask people, what kind of movie do you want
to watch. Netflix would ask people, what kind of movie do you want to watch? And people would say, I want to watch the French documentary about the political causes
that led to World War II. But when the weekend rolled around, people would watch the same
old romantic comedies and the latest version of the Fast and Furious, or the latest Jason
Bourne movie, or just whatever was the easiest to consume.
And after some time I think Netflix basically just stopped asking people what do you want
to watch and built an algorithm that just paid attention to what people did, what movies
they actually watched and what movies everybody else was watching.
And I believe the algorithm right now is not really tuned at all to what we say our preferences
are and is tuned almost entirely
to the idea of surrogation. And I think this perhaps is a surrogation on a much larger scale,
on the scale of thousands or millions of people, but I think it's fundamentally the same idea,
which is that aggregating the information of large numbers of people around us might be better
predictors to what we ourselves would like to watch on the weekend than simply asking us the question.
Yeah, that's a great example. And I've always been curious as to how much in
that algorithm does weight other people's opinion, but I suspect you're right that it's
the weight is a lot. Yeah. Do you have the experience of basically
Netflix putting things before you that you didn't think that you'd like and then you watch it and then you realize, oh yeah, I kind of like that movie too.
Yeah, I think, you know, I have to say, like our own participants, I probably distrust the
surrogation information more than I should there, I think, whatever they know.
So your research has identified a number of ways that we can use surrogation effectively in our lives.
And to begin with, one of the insights is that it might be
useful to find not one, but several surrogates to consult.
Why might this be the case?
I think that tells us how much variance there is in the opinion.
If three or four people all felt the same way about something, that is pretty
strong guide that we're going to feel the same way. But if they were all over the map,
that's a better indication that maybe I should trust my own opinions here.
We talked earlier about the errors in our affective forecasting system and you told me about some of the losses you've experienced. Recently a graduate student of yours came to you in some distress.
What did he tell you to?
You know, quite sadly, this graduate student's brother had also taken his life.
And, you know, I felt I was in a position to offer, obviously, my condolences,
but also maybe it would help to tell him about my own experiences that as tragic as this is
and as much as I still do think about it, the pain will receive, and maybe quicker than you think.
To be honest, I'm not sure that kind of advice,
registers, particularly when people
are in the throes of grief, I'm not sure it helps
to say you'll get over it, but I hope it was of some solace.
It is interesting, of course, the point that you're just making, which is that at a moment
of great emotion, some of us might actually resent hearing from people who've been through
that experience before and have come through it on the other side.
Because in some ways, especially if they no longer feel the same emotion with the same
intensity, it somehow might feel like what they experienced is not as bad as what you're experiencing and so they shouldn't be telling you how you're going
to feel in the future.
Yes.
And it's another reason I think we might hesitate to both reach out to others to get their
opinions on what we're going through as well as volunteer our own experiences to others
because of this gap.
No, I think that's definitely true.
That it somehow seems to trivialize our own feelings to have someone say, you're going
to get over it and so one should be careful with such advice, I think.
Something along the same lines happened with Tim and his friend Susan.
He thought she was not in the right relationship.
Others who knew Susan also felt like she was with the wrong guy.
But most friends in these situations, at least in polite society, keep their opinions to
themselves.
Yes, and we probably know that it wouldn't go land terribly well with a person.
I'm an avid reader of advice columns
and a common theme in them is someone who says,
I know my friend was with a wrong person.
Should I tell them my son or my daughter,
I can't stand their partner.
And you know, it's,
A, they wouldn't listen if you did tell, and B, it would ruin your
relationship if you did.
So people, I think, often are reluctant.
So you've sometimes suggested that they should be a new hallmark holiday that could encourage
surrogation.
Tell me about this idea too.
Well, when I teach my seminars on this topic, I often propose to the students of, you know, why wouldn't we want to get this information in a helpful way?
So what if there were a new hallmark holiday called social feedback holiday, where you get cards from your friends with useful feedback. Now, they have to be some ground rules. Your friends would have to be kind
and maybe give you advice about something that's controllable
so that you can change.
So, you know, telling you,
you know, lately you've been interrupting people
in conversations too much or we notice that
you don't seem happy in this relationship.
And these were not, you know, when the mail arrived
and we got a bunch of cards,
it wouldn't be easy to read them.
But if there was unanimity,
all our friends were looking at the same thing,
saying, dump that part.
That's something we maybe should take seriously.
I have to ask you, have you, did your students embrace that?
Do your students send each other home on cards with social feedback?
I can just imagine all kinds of ways that could go wrong, to be honest.
You know, I think in all the years I've proposed that in my classes, not one person has said
they think it's a good idea.
They look at me in horror, you know, as if you mean we're actually supposed to receive
this anonymous feedback about all our flaws, that would be terrible.
And I think, well, but if the things you can correct easily, wouldn't the world be a better
place if everyone's flaws were corrected through my hallmarked days?
Well, I have failed to convince people.
You know, the interesting thing here, Tim, is it's not just
that people are sometimes reluctant to share negative feedback
with us, they might also be reluctant to share positive feedback
to us, just because they believe that there are certain bounds
of propriety that should be respected, certain boundaries
that should be respected.
And you yourself had an experience of this,
of someone who was close to you being
reluctant to share feedback with you. This was many years ago. Could you tell us about
the time in your early 20s when you introduced your parents to a girl whom you were dating?
Paint a picture for me of the moment if you would.
No, I had been seeing this particular person for probably about a year.
It was during the summer when I took her with me
on a vacation with my parents,
and we spent a few days with them.
And I found out later that my father,
after this visit, had written a letter
to a very good friend of his,
updating him on what was going on.
And he said, in this letter,
he said, oh, by the was going on. And he said, in this letter, he said,
oh, by the way, Tim brought a new girlfriend, and she just seems to me to be the ideal partner
for him.
This is your father telling his friend?
Yes. And he mentioned to my mother that he had said this, and my mother said, well, why
are you telling your friends and not Tim? Wouldn't this be something the Tim should hear?
And so my father called me up a week or two
right, and he was kind of embarrassed.
And he said, well, you know, we don't usually
talk about these things that much, but your mother thinks
I should tell you that I really liked your girlfriend.
And I thought she would be the ideal partner.
And maybe because we didn't talk about these things
that much, it had a real impact on me.
Now, I should say that it's not like I had huge doubts
about this relationship, because in fact,
the woman I was seeing ended up being my wife,
and we've been together for over 40 years.
So my father was right.
Tim Wilson is a social psychologist at the University of Virginia.
He's the author of the book, Stranger's to Ourselves, discovering the adaptive unconscious.
Tim, thank you for talking to me today on Hidden Brain.
It's great to be here, thanks for having me.
Hidden Brain is produced by Hidden Brain Media. Our audio production team includes Bridget McCarthy,
Annie Murphy-Paul, Kristen Wong, Laura Quarelle, Ryan Katz,
Autumn Barnes, and Andrew Chadwick. Tara Boyle is our executive producer.
I'm Hidden Brain's executive editor. Our unsung hero this week is Io-OT. Io is a social
impact editor at Spotify. Io recently helped us to create a playlist with some of our
favorite episodes from Hidden Brain and other shows, looking at how we can build better relationships.
You can find that playlist and Spotify's Play or Part category. Thanks so much, Aya.
Next week, in our YouTube.io series, how we can use the Brain's visual system to boost our
motivation, achieve goals, and gain perspective. So there's great power in what it is that we see,
which is why a piece of advice that I offer is
to schedule into our calendar those things that we might not
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