Jack - By Word and Deed
Episode Date: November 14, 2021This week: there’s new evidence about interference with the CDC by the Trump administration; the FEC has reason to believe that Tom Tillis and John Bolton may have violated the law by working with C...ambridge Analytica; the Office of Special Counsel issues its report on the Hatch Act during the Trump administration; plus a highly anticipated Fantasy Indictment League.Follow AG and Dana on Twitter:Dr. Allison Gill https://twitter.com/allisongillhttps://twitter.com/MuellerSheWrotehttps://twitter.com/dailybeanspodWant to support the show and get it ad-free and early?https://dailybeans.supercast.tech/Orhttps://patreon.com/thedailybeansPromo Codes Protect all of your online information and devices with one simple subscription. For a limited time, Aura is offering our listeners up to 40% off plans when you visit http://aura.com/MSW. With Scribd you get instant access to millions of ebooks, audiobooks, magazines, and more—all with one low monthly subscription. Right now, we’re offering listeners of this program a free 60-day trial. Go to http://try.scribd.com/AG for your free trial. I highly recommend it for all podcast lovers! Follow “Operator” on Apple Podcasts, Amazon Music, or you can listen early and ad-free by subscribing to Wondery Plus in Apple Podcasts or the Wondery App. Head to CreditKarma.com/LoanOffers to see personalized offers with your Approval Odds right now.
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Season 4 of How We Win Is Here
For the past four years, we've been making history in critical elections all over the
country. And last year, we made history again by expanding our majority in the Senate,
eating election denying Republicans and crucial state house races, and fighting back a non-existent
red wave. But the Maga Republicans who plotted and pardoned the attempted overthrow of our government
now control the house.
Thanks to gerrymandered maps and repressive anti-voter laws.
And the chaotic spectacle we've already seen shows us just how far they will go to seize
power, dismantle our government, and take away our freedoms.
So, the official podcast of the persistence is back with season 4.
There's so much more important work ahead of us to fight for equity, justice, and our very
democracy itself. We'll take you behind the lines and inside the rooms where it happens
with strategy and inspiration from progressive change makers all over the country.
And we'll dig deep into the weekly news that matters most
and what you can do about it,
with messaging and communications expert,
co-founder of Way to Win,
and our new co-host, Jennifer Fernandez-Ancona.
So join Steve and I every Wednesday
for your weekly dose of inspiration, action and hope.
I'm Steve Pearson.
And I'm Jennifer Fernandez-Ancona.
And this is How We Win.
This is Greg Oliar, the author of Dirty Rubles.
And you're listening to Mueller, she wrote.
So to be clear, Mr. Trump has no financial relationships with any Russian oligarchs.
That's what he said.
That's what I said.
That's obviously what the opposition is. I'm not aware of any of those activities.
I have been called a surrogate at a time or two in that campaign, and I didn't have, and
I have communications with the Russians.
What do I have to get involved with Putin for?
I have nothing to do with Putin.
I've never spoken to him.
I don't know anything about a mother than he will respect me.
Russia, if you're listening, I hope you're able to find
the 30,000 emails that are missing. So it is political. You're a communist. No, Mr. Green.
Communism is just a red herring. Like all members of the oldest profession I'm a capitalist.
Hello and welcome to Muller She Road.
I'm your host, formerly known as AG, but you can still call me that if you want.
Or you can call me Allison Gill or Allie, whatever.
I'm flexible now that I'm no longer bound by the Hatch Act.
And speaking of the Hatch Act, whoo buddy.
Do we have some all-time records for Hatch Act violations coming out of the last administration
this week and a report from the Office of Special Counsel.
But that's not even the big news this week, as I'm sure you're all aware of and very
excited about the fantasy indictment league.
We have some legal wins and losses also for the former guy, and there's new evidence
about interference with the CDC by the Trump administration.
And the FEC has reason to believe that Tom Tillerson John Bolton may have violated the
law by working with Cambridge Analytica. And the FEC has reason to believe that Tom Tillerson, John Bolton, may have violated the law
by working with Cambridge Analytica.
I want to take a minute to thank our patrons without you.
These series would not be possible.
I also encourage you to check out this week's MSW Book Club, which is also out today, a new episode,
season or excuse me, episode two of Hear Right Matters by Alex Vindeman.
And of course, check out the daily beans every weekday morning.
And I believe this week, Dana will be back with us.
So yay.
We have a lot of news to get to.
So let's jump in with just facts.
So the US Office of Special Counsel,
which is now to be confused with the appointed special
councils like Ken Star or Bob Mueller,
they issued a Skating 63-page report in response
to complaints received
largely about alleged R&C hatch act violations.
So let's go over the executive summary of this report.
Quote, this report presents the United States Office of Special Counsel's Investigative Findings
and Conclusions regarding complaints they received in response to the 2020 Republican
National Convention, R&C, alleging that senior Trump
administration officials used their official authority or influence to interfere with or
affect the 2020 presidential election in violation of the Hatch Act. As described herein, OSC
investigated those complaints and determined that hosting the RNC at the White House did
not itself violate the Hatch Act, but that at least 13 senior Trump administration officials did violate the Hatch Act prior to the election. Each of these high-profile
violations was committed by an official that OSC believes based on current law could only have been
disciplined by then-president Donald Trump. Thus, the case is described here and demonstrate
both a willingness by some in the Trump administration to leverage the power of the executive branch
to promote President Trump's re-election and the limits of office of special counsel's
enforcement power under the existing statutory scheme to prevent them from doing it.
OSC is issuing this report to educate employees about Hatch Act prohibited activities,
highlight the enforcement challenges that the OSC confronted during its investigations
and deter similar violations in the future.
During a press conference on August 5, 2020, then President Trump was asked about the
Hatch Act implications of using the White House as the venue for the RNC, and he responded,
there is no Hatch Act because it doesn't pertain to the President.
Although true that the President is exempt from the Hatch Act, law almost certainly does
apply to senior members of the president's administration.
Nonetheless, with respect to an administration's senior most officials, whom only the president
can discipline for violating the Hatch Act, the Hatch Act is only as effective in ensuring
a depoliticized federal workforce as the president decides it will be.
That means a lot to me, particularly.
It's only as good as the how the president decides. And where, as
happened in the Trump administration, the White House chooses to ignore the Hatch Act's
requirements, there is currently no mechanism for holding senior administration officials
accountable for violating the law. Part two of this report briefly describes the history
and restrictions on federal employees, political activity, and the developments that led Congress to pass the Hatch Act in 1939.
It focuses in particular on why Congress chose to prohibit federal employees from using
their official authority or influence for the purpose of interfering with or affecting
elections.
Each of the violations described in Part 3 implicates that prohibition.
Part 3 contains OSC's determination that some officials in Trump in the Trump administration
intentionally, intentionally ignored the law's requirements and tacitly or expressly approved
of senior administration officials violating the law.
Many of the complaints that prompted this investigation were filed during or after the
RNC, which, because of the coronavirus pandemic, featured events held on White House grounds.
As far as the OSE is aware, it was the first political party convention
since the passage of the Hatch Act to do so.
The complaints raised three issues.
The first issue is whether the former president
or then vice president Mike Pence violated the Hatch Act.
Neither did because both the president
and the vice president are expressly exempt
from coverage onto the provisions of the Hatch Act
that the OSC enforces.
Two, the second issue is whether the Hatch Act that the OSC enforces. 2.
The second issue is whether the Hatch Act prohibits a political party from holding a convention
at the White House.
It does not.
The Hatch Act only applies to federal executive branch employees, assuming that the President
or vice president, either of whom is subject to the Hatch Act, authorizes the use of the White
House for a political convention and the convention itself is produced by non-federal employees.
That circumstance alone would not violate the Hatch Act.
And as OSC said publicly during the R&C, ambiguities in existing law mean that there are certain areas of the White House and its grounds,
in which even federal employees are permitted to engage in political activity.
And the final issue is whether a number of senior Trump administration officials violated the Hatch Act in connection with the R RNC or otherwise prior to the 2020 election. OSC concludes that at least 13 senior Trump administration officials did so, and furthermore,
they did so with the administration's approval. Under current law,
Office of Special Counsel may seek disciplinary action up to and including removal from federal
service against most federal employees who violate the Hatch Act by prosecuting alleged violations
before the Merit Systems Production Board.
That's the MSPB.
You'll hear me refer to that again.
But in this case, a violations by Senate confirmed
presidential appointees and in OSC's view,
also by commissioned officers within the executive office
of the president, OSC may only submit a report to the president.
This is both legally required.
As OSC believes there are significant constitutional
concerns with the MSPB disciplining commissioned officers and as a practical matter, the only
resource available to OSC when there's no MSPB quorum, as was the case during the entirety
of the Trump administration. It is then up to the president to discipline those employees.
Hello, my name is AG. President Trump not only failed to do so, but he publicly defended
an employee O.S.C. found to have repeatedly violated the Hatch Act.
The failure to impose discipline created the conditions for what appears to be a taxpayer
funded campaign apparatus with the upper echelons of the executive branch, and it allowed
for, as one federal court said, of a senior administration official, members of the administration
to, quote, violate the Hatch Act with seeming imp with seeming impunity. OSC received complaints alleging 13 senior
Trump administration officials listed in part three violated the hatch act in one of two ways.
By making statements supporting or opposing a candidate for partisan political office while
speaking in an official capacity, or by using their official authority and connection with and in
further ensue of the RNC.
Section 7323A1 of Title V of the U.S. Code prohibits federal executive branch employees from
using their official authority or influence to interfere with or affect the results of
an election.
Under that prohibition, it's illegal for an employee to support or oppose a candidate
for partisan political office while acting in an official capacity.
Yet, Trump administration officials did precisely that.
And while the specific facts of each case are different, they share this fundamental commonality. Senior Trump administration officials chose to use their office and their official
authority, not for the legitimate functions of government, but to promote the re-election of
President Trump in violation of the law. The administration's willful disregard for the law
was especially pernicious considering the timing of when many of these violations took place.
OSC cannot in most cases stop violations from happening in real time.
Even apparently straight forward violations of the Hatch Act may not turn out to actually
be violations upon further investigation, therefore investigating alleged violations is the
only way to ensure a fair result.
Accordingly, OSC affords appropriate due process
to the subject of a complaint and gathers
the relevant facts before reaching a conclusion.
As a result, OSC's investigations can often stretch out
for weeks or months.
This reality creates a window for an administration
that is so inclined to ignore the hatch act
in the final months of an election cycle, knowing
full well that any public reporter disciplinary action would
not likely occur until well after the election.
However, the benefit to the administration and resultant harm, the use of official authority
or influence to interfere with or affect an election, would accrue honor before election
day.
As described in part three, Office of Special Counsel has concluded that the Trump administration
tacitly or expressly approved myriad Hatch Act violations committed within that critical period
immediately prior to the election,
during which OSC was unable to both investigate
and resolve the violations before Election Day.
Many of the officials who violated the Hatch Act
when speaking in an official capacity
during media interviews expressly referenced
the 2020 election campaign,
or the candidacy of Trump's principal opponent,
then candidate Joseph R. Biden Jr.
and his running mate, then candidate Kamala Harris.
For example, Brian Morgan's turn.
Then a White House deputy press secretary said in one interview, that candidate Biden
was hiding away because the Biden campaign knows, quote, the more America sees of their
ticket, the less they like them.
Robert O'Brien, the national security adviser said in an interview, I expect the president
to be reelected and reelected overwhelmingly.
And moments later, rhetorically asked, who do you want to turn to to rebuild the economy?
The guy whose proven he can do it, President Trump or somebody who's been in Washington
for 40 years.
And Mark Short, then Mike Pence's chief of staff said during an interview, the election
would quote, present a tremendous contrast to the American people to choose between a
freedom and opportunity agenda that the Trump Pence administration stands for versus
a path to socialism and decay that we believe the Biden-Harris ticket stands for.
In short, each official campaigned on behalf of President Trump while speaking as a representative
of the U.S. government.
The decision by some in the Trump administration to flout the law by combing when campaign-related
activity and governmental operations is further illustrated
by the two cases related to the RNC.
The first involves then Secretary of State, Mike Pompeo,
who OSC concludes violated the Hatch Act
by changing US Department of State policy
to allow himself to speak at the convention,
and then when engaging in political activity
by delivering that speech,
using his official authority
by repeatedly referencing the work of the State Department, the second involves
then-acting Secretary of Homeland Security Chad Wolfe, who the OSC concludes violated
the Hatch Act by presiding over a naturalization ceremony that was orchestrated for the purpose
of creating content for the convention.
Each took official acts and further ensured President Trump's re-election campaign.
It appears that both violations stemmed from requests that originated within the White
House or in Secretary Pompeo's case, possibly by the Trump campaign or President Trump himself,
and thus they reflect the Trump administration's willingness to manipulate government business
for partisan political ends.
Trump administration officials knew of the Hatch Act's restrictions.
Prior to the 2020 election, OSCE issued two reports to President Trump the Hatch Act's restrictions. Prior to its 2020 election, OSC issued two reports
to President Trump documenting Hatch Act violations
by senior administration officials,
and an unprecedented 15 warning letters
to senior administration officials
notifying them they violated the Hatch Act.
And OSC made itself available
and did provide advice on the Hatch Act to the White House
as well as training materials and advisory opinions
when requested. Well aware of the Hatch Act's requirements, House, as well as training materials and advisory opinions when requested.
Well aware of the Hatch Act's requirements, some senior officials in the Trump administration
disregarded the OSC advice and chose to engage in prohibited political activity anyway.
From OSC's perspective, the administration attitude toward the Hatch Act compliance
was succinctly captured by then chief of staff Mark Meadows, who said during an interview
that nobody outside of the boatway really cares about Trump administration officials violating the
Hatch Act. In direct contradiction to that unfortunate comment, the Office of
Special Counsel was inundated with calls, emails, and complaints from members of
the public in response to the violations described in this report. The cumulative
effect of these repeated and public violations was to undermine public
confidence in the nonpartisan
operation of government, equally troubling the obvious noncompliance by senior administration
officials who also caused career federal employees to ask OSC whether they were still required
to comply with the HATCH Act.
As OSC previously stated in a letter to Trump, documenting HATCH Act violations by senior
administration officials, such flagrant and unpunished violations erode the principal foundation of our
democratic system, the rule of law. Part four lists seven enforcement
challenges that substantially affected the Office of Special Counsel's
ability to ensure that senior Trump administration officials complied with the
restrictions that Congress imposed upon their political activity. Those
enforcement challenges and potential fixes for each are as follows. Number one, OSC's enforcement tools are limited with respect to
Senate confirmed presidential appointees and White House commissioned officers. A potential
fix, a statutory amendment that one allows OSC to pursue substantial monetary penalties,
and commissioned officers against PIS and commissioned officers before the MSPB.
And two, grants the MSPB jurisdiction over former employees for Hatch Act violations committed
during their period of federal employment.
Meaning, we can find you even if you're not in office anymore because we can't investigate
while it's happening and by then the damage has been done.
So this is the fix to that.
Number two, OSE did not receive from the Trump administration the good faith cooperation necessary to ensure full compliance with the HATCH Act.
Potential fix, a statutory amendment granting the MSPB greater authority to enforce OSC's
subpoenas and other investigative requests. Number three, prior OSC HATCH Act advice to executive
branch agencies that the HATCH Act does not prohibit agencies from defending and administration's
policies, appears to have been interpreted in a way that allowed senior agency officials to engage in political activity
under the guise of defending the Trump administration's policy positions.
A potential fix in response to the incidents that arose during the 2020 election,
OSC is using this report to provide updated advice to agencies regarding agency communications
that reference a candidate for elected office, including an incumbent president, and are scheduled to be disseminated within 60 days of an election.
Agency ethics officials should conduct inquiries into the purpose of such communications to
ensure they're not intended to promote or oppose a candidate.
If agency ethics officials have concerns about a particular communication, OSC recommends
they advise delaying the communication until after the election. Oh, okay, you could advise them all you want. OSC is also available to answer questions from agency
officials about whether a given communication might implicate the HATCH Act.
Number four, OSC does not have the authority to issue or update HATCH Act regulations,
potential fix, either a statutory amendment expressly granting the Office of Special Counsel
rulemaking authority, or a determination within the executive branch that rulemaking authority for Hatch Act, violation
should be vested with the Office of Special Counsel.
Number 5.
Existing law is unclear with respect to which portions, if any, of the White House may be used
for partisan political events and who may authorize those uses.
A potential fix?
A statutory amendment, clarifying in which areas of the White House
grounds employees are prohibited from engaging in political activity under what circumstances.
If any, such areas may be used by non-federal employees for political activity, basically
define how you can use the White House for your election campaign.
Number six, Office of Special Counsel has no clear mechanism for obtaining reimbursement
for taxpayers when a government official engages in taxpayer-funded campaign activity while on official government travel.
A potential fix, a statutory amendment allowing the Office of Special Counsel to seek reimbursement
before the MSPB from the traveling official personally.
And finally, number seven, the MSPB has not had a quorum since January 2017.
Potential fix, ensuring there is always at least two confirmed MSPB members. Furthermore, a statutory amendment authorizing the Office of Special Counsel to
seek enforcement of its subpoenas in Article 3 courts in the event the MSPB
does not have a quorum would guard against a recurrence of these issues if the
MSPB were to ever lack a quorum in the future. And part five of this report
concludes by noting that Congress's judgment in passing the Hatch Act was
that quote, partisan political activities by federal employees must be limited if the
government is to operate effectively and fairly.
And none of these goals is achievable if the power of the federal government is used to
campaign for candidates in partisan elections as happened during 2020.
Moving forward, senior executive branch officials must not allow compliance with the Hatch Act
to be viewed as optional, or an unnecessary burden.
Indeed, lower ranking employees have faced and continue to face potentially severe consequences.
Hello, including removal from federal service for violating this law.
I didn't, by the way.
OSC hopes that the enforcement challenges identified in this report can be addressed,
and that the conduct of the Trump administration officials described in part three turns out
to be an anomaly and not a precedent.
You can read this report in its entirety at osc.gov and I recommend you do.
We'll be right back with more news. Stay with us.
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Welcome back.
More news from this week, the House Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Crisis,
released to CNN
on Friday, a new evidence showing how US Centers for Disease Control and Prevention CDC officials
were pressured by the Trump administration and Trump administration officials to alter
scientific guidance and they were prevented from communicating directly with the public.
In new excerpts of transcribed interviews, Dr. Nancy Misaniye, that's the former director
of the CDC's National Center for Immunization and Respiratory Diseases, says she was made aware that then President
Donald Trump was angered by her February 25, 2020 briefing during which she warned the
public about the dangers of COVID. Remember this? Masaniye says in the transcript that she had
calls with former CDC director Robert Redfield and former US Health and Human Services secretary
Alex Azar after the briefing and that she was upset after her conversation with Azar.
In the transcripts, other CDC officials described how requests to hold briefings about mass
guidance and pediatric COVID-19 cases and deaths were denied.
When asked about a CNN report that CDC officials felt muscled, Dr. Anne Schuchatz, the CDC's
former principal deputy director, said that
is a feeling that we had, many of us.
CDC officials also appeared to take issue with invoking public health authority to expel
migrants.
Further, several interviews described efforts by the administration to alter or influence
the agency's guidance and weekly scientific reports.
That's the morbidity and mortality weekly report, which typically is not shared
outside the agency before they're published. It took, quote, great effort to protect that
integrity," she Chott said in the transcribed excerpt, and active effort on the part of
CDC officials to make sure that the attempts were not successful to alter the reports.
In another interview, Dr. Christine Kasey, an editor of CDC's morbidity and mortality
weekly report, described an email from a Trump appointee in former US Health and Human
Services advisor, Paul Alexander, that she saw as a request to stop a report.
She called it highly unusual and quite concerning for somebody to ask to put an immediate stop
on an MMWR report.
I don't think in my memory that has ever happened," she said, and to be accused, because it is accusatory, language, that MMRMWR content is designed to harm our commander-in-chief,
the president. Kaisy Shedshe was instructed to delete the email, and was told the direction
came from Redfield. The transcripts also include a conversation with Dr. Deborah Birx,
who served as a White House COVID response coordinator, in which she described how the
Trump administration pushed for guidance that said people who were not symptomatic
did not need to be tested,
despite disagreement from health officials.
She said it was the intent of Dr. Scott Atlas,
a Trump coronavirus advisor,
to change the testing guidance.
Quote, this document resulted in less testing
and less aggressive testing of those without symptoms
that I believed were the primary reason
for the early community spread.
The committee also renewed its request for a bedfield to appear before the committee for
a transcribed interview and requested interviews with three additional senior officials, Dr. Martin
C. Tron, the director of CDC's Division of Global Migration and Quarantine, Dr. Daniel
Jernigan, CDC's Deputy Director for Public Health Science and Surveillance, and Dr. Henry Walke, the Director of the Division of Preparedness and Emerging Infections,
in CDC's National Center for Emerging and Zoonotic Infectious Diseases, and he was a former
incident manager of the CDC's COVID-19 response.
And, the FVC Federal Election Commission found reason to believe, in 2019, that both Senator
Tom Tillis and former National Security Advisor John Bolton violated federal laws against foreign interference in US elections
by working with now-defunct British consulting firm Cambridge Analytica in 2014.
But the commission which found that the North Carolina Republican Party and the Perennial
Republican candidate in Oregon also ran a foul of the same laws does not appear to be
doing anything about it since the five-year statute of limitations
for both cases has now expired and no criminal referrals appear to have been made.
Quote, once again, the commission has failed to take meaningful enforcement action on
complaints alleging serious violations of the foreign national ban.
That's Commissioner Sean Abrissard and Ellen Wyntrop in a statement. Despite the commission's previous commitment to prioritizing foreign national matters, that
commitment appears in retrospect to have been lip service as we continue to skirt our
obligations to the American people they continued.
The two commissioners also said that former President Trump and Senator Ted Cruz of Texas,
both of whom worked with the British firm during the 2016 presidential campaigns, may have
violated the same laws as well, but the two previous Republican commissioners Matthew
Peterson and Caroline Hunter didn't want to take any action.
Quote, they were willing to move forward only on claims that were already imperiled under
the statute of limitations, setting the commission up for failure.
Again, that's the pair of commissioners.
Unfortunately, there's no public explanation of why they could not move forward on the latter
allegations against Trump and Cruz. Instead, the American people are left in the dark as to why
the commission was unable to muster the necessary four votes to pursue these serious allegations
of foreign intervention in the 2016 election. The saga, of course, began in March 2018 as the
Facebook Cambridge Analytica data scandal in which personal data of over 87 million Facebook users was improperly obtained by the firm, all that came to a head.
In March of 2018, watchdog organization Common Cause filed a complaint against Cambridge Analytica
itself, while the campaign legal center filed a complaint against John Bolton's Superpack.
Two months thereafter, the chair of the North Carolina Democratic Party filed a complaint
against Senator Tillis and the Republican Party, and another complaint against the Trump campaign by Resistance Committee
Action Fund is also included in the case. Each complaint alleging violations of the Foreign
Nationals' ban was broadly similar alleging that foreign nationals, in this case British
employees of Cambridge Analytica had taken on significantly greater roles in the campaigns,
and that foreign nationals participated in and in some instances
directed the committee's election-related activities.
A 2018 report by the Center for Public Integrity detailed the extent of Bolton's coordination
with Cam Anna, Cambridge Analytica.
Additionally, the campaign legal centers complaint alleged that Bolton's super PAC had engaged
in illegal coordinated activity with the Tillus campaign and the North Carolina Republican
Party during the former's 2014 campaign.
The commission voted in July of 2019 and found reason to believe that Tillus Bolton and
the North Carolina GOP and even Oregon, an Oregon congressional candidate, Art Robinson,
had all violated the Foreign Nationals' ban initiating an investigation by the commission.
But then the FEC lost a quorum for the rest of that year and most of 2020, imperiling
the body's work and resulting in the eventual lapse of the statute
limitations on the 2014 error case.
The FEC, as we know, is made up of six commissioners, and the commission loses a
quorum when there are fewer than four.
And in 2019, then vice chairman Matthew Peterson resigned, bringing the
commission down to three.
Quote, unfortunately, the office of general council's investigation of the
2014 activity never gained traction. The commission voted on September 30th of this year to close the file, apparently ending
the matter before the FEC and Ravel, a former Democratic FEC commissioner, told Insider
that it was unlikely that any criminal referral had been made to the Department of Justice,
as that would have been noted in the documents made public this week.
Quote, it's unlikely that they would, if they failed to take any action on this case.
Making a referral to the Department of Justice also takes four votes.
So a couple of criminals getting away with it again.
All right, we'll be right back with this week's highly anticipated fantasy and
diamond lakes. Stay with us.
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That's creditcarma.com slash loan offers. All right, everybody, welcome back. It's time for the fantasy indictment league.
I'm gonna be a dick. No it is gonna be okay. I'm gonna be a dick. I'm gonna be a dick.
And I'm going to go ahead and collect my points for drafting Steve and Kay Bannon for my fantasy indictment league last week.
November 5th, I predicted he would be indicted within seven days, and he was indeed indicted on the seventh day.
I posited that Department of Justice was either one waiting for the Chutkin ruling, which it got.
That was the one that determined that there was a legislative purpose. There's a stay on that ruling right now, but it's administrative going up through the
appellate court, but the ruling was clear. Two, we were waiting for graves, Matthew Graves,
the new DC-US attorney to get there, which happened November 5th. And three, what Joyce
Vance and I talked about on the daily beans earlier this past week about the Department
of Justice needing time to prepare for the defense of Bannon and prepare for pretrial motions. So, any of those three things are
some combination of them. And here we are, from the Department of Justice, Friday, November 12th.
Stephen K. Bannon was indicted today by a federal grand jury on two counts of contempt of
Congress stemming from his failure to comply with the Zappina issued by the House Select Committee
investigating the January 6th breach of the U.S. Capitol.
Ban in 67 is charged with one contempt count involving his refusal to appear for a deposition
and another involving his refusal to produce documents despite a Zapina from the House
Select Committee to investigate the January 6th attack on the Capitol.
An arraignment date has not yet been set and the U.S. District Court for the District of
Columbia.
Quote, since my first day in office, this is Merrick Garland talking, I have promised Justice Department employees that together we would show the American people
by word and deed that the Department adheres to the rule of law follows the facts and the law
and pursues equal justice under the law. Today's charges reflect the department's
steadfast commitment to those principles. As detailed in the indictment on September 23, 2021,
the select committee issued a subpoena to Mr. Bannon, said US Attorney Matthew Graves for the
District of Columbia. The subpoena required him to appear and produce documents for the select
committee and to appear for a deposition before the select committee. According to the indictment,
Bannon refused to appear to give testimony as required by
Sipina and refused to produce documents and compliance with Sipina.
In its Sipina, the select committee said it had reason to believe Bannon had information
relevant to the understanding of the events related to January 6.
Bannon, formerly a chief strategist and counselor to the president, has been a private citizen
since departing the White House in 2017.
Each count of contempt of Congress carries a minimum of 30 days and a maximum of one year in jail, as well as a fine of $100 to $1,000. A federal district court judge will determine any
sentence after considering the U.S. sentence and guidelines and any other statutory factors.
An indictment is merely an allegation all defendants are presumed innocent until proven guilty
beyond a reasonable doubt in a court of law.
The case is being investigated by the FBI's Washington Field Office.
The case is being prosecuted by the public corruption and civil rights section of the
U.S. Attorney's Office for the District of Columbia.
Investigated by the FBI's Washington Field Office.
It is of note that we did not hear a peep about this indictment or what Department
of Justice was doing or considering while they were putting this together. So let's keep
that in mind as we are inundated on social media with posts saying Garland has done or
is doing nothing. And don't get me wrong. I'm still mad. We haven't seen obstruction of
justice indictments of Trump from volume two of the Mueller report, but let's keep in
mind that if the Department of Justice waited to indict Bannon until the new U.S. attorney got there in his office in DC, perhaps two, they were waiting for him
in the obstruction of justice charges, which would fall within his jurisdiction.
So give yourself some points if you drafted Bannon.
And for my picks this week, I'm going to stick with Matt Gaetz, Engelsen, Ingersoll from
the Tallahassee ship bags. And then I'm going to stick with Rudy Dijoniva and Tonzing from the Fraud Guarantee ship bags.
I'm going to add Donald fucking Trump to my draft this week for obstruction of justice
or potential Manhattan D.A. charges, though I don't think he's there yet.
He just impendled a new grand jury for another six months.
And let's stick with the Weiselberg and Trump org
superseding as one charge along with plea deals
from Kalamari and Makani to tail that.
And I think we'll have a Tom Barrick plea agreement
in the Eastern District of New York.
That's it. Oh, by the way, Andrew Weissmann has surfaced.
He made an appearance on the Talking Feds podcast,
our friend Harry Littmann's podcast.
First public thing he's done since 10 days before the Tom Barrick indictment came out of his old He made an appearance on the Talking Feds podcast, our friend Harry Littmann's podcast.
First public thing he's done since 10 days before the Tom Barric indictment came out of his old office.
And Barric was the one who appointed Manafort and Weissmann was in charge of team Manafort on the Muller probe. I'm sure it's coincidence. He didn't mention where he'd been though since July,
but he did offer that he's not been appointed special counsel. And that's it for this week.
We will see you next week.
Thanks again to our patrons and our sponsors
who make this show possible.
Until next time, everybody, please take care of yourselves,
take care of each other, take care of the planet,
and take care of your mental health.
I've been Allison Gill, and this is Mullershi Road.
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