Lex Fridman Podcast - #336 – Ben Shapiro: Politics, Kanye, Trump, Biden, Hitler, Extremism, and War
Episode Date: November 7, 2022Ben Shapiro is a conservative political commentator, host of The Ben Shapiro Show, co-founder of The Daily Wire, and author of The Authoritarian Moment and other books. Please support this podcast by ...checking out our sponsors: - ExpressVPN: https://expressvpn.com/lexpod to get 3 months free - Policygenius: https://www.policygenius.com/ - BetterHelp: https://betterhelp.com/lex to get 10% off - InsideTracker: https://insidetracker.com/lex to get 20% off EPISODE LINKS: Ben's Twitter: https://twitter.com/benshapiro Ben's Instagram: https://instagram.com/officialbenshapiro Daily Wire: https://dailywire.com Ben's Books: The Authoritarian Moment: https://amzn.to/3T3RRJv Facts (Still) Don't Care About Your Feelings: https://amzn.to/3T3Hwgs How to Destroy America in Three Easy Steps: https://amzn.to/3fxmeKx The Right Side of History: https://amzn.to/3E3jGgS How to Debate Leftists and Destroy Them: https://amzn.to/3FLHR4z Facts Don't Care about Your Feelings: https://amzn.to/3UrcBvL Books mentioned: The Strongman: https://amzn.to/3U8f2U7 Economics in One Lesson: https://amzn.to/3DWAbLA The Rise and Triumph of the Modern Self: https://amzn.to/3DTGlej PODCAST INFO: Podcast website: https://lexfridman.com/podcast Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/2lwqZIr Spotify: https://spoti.fi/2nEwCF8 RSS: https://lexfridman.com/feed/podcast/ YouTube Full Episodes: https://youtube.com/lexfridman YouTube Clips: https://youtube.com/lexclips SUPPORT & CONNECT: - Check out the sponsors above, it's the best way to support this podcast - Support on Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/lexfridman - Twitter: https://twitter.com/lexfridman - Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/lexfridman - LinkedIn: https://www.linkedin.com/in/lexfridman - Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/lexfridman - Medium: https://medium.com/@lexfridman OUTLINE: Here's the timestamps for the episode. On some podcast players you should be able to click the timestamp to jump to that time. (00:00) - Introduction (07:07) - Kanye 'Ye' West (14:47) - Hitler and the nature of evil (22:53) - Political attacks on the left and the right (28:37) - Quebec mosque shooting (38:33) - Elon Musk buying Twitter (51:36) - Trump and Biden (56:09) - Hunter Biden's laptop (1:07:42) - Candace Owens (1:11:22) - War in Ukraine (1:21:31) - Rhetoric vs truth (1:26:26) - Infamous BBC interview (1:29:42) - Day in the life (1:44:37) - Abortion (1:57:32) - Climate change (2:04:55) - God and faith (2:16:05) - Tribalism (2:20:41) - Advice for young people (2:24:26) - Andrew Breitbart (2:26:56) - Self-doubt (2:28:58) - Love
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The following is a conversation with Ben Shapiro, a conservative political commentator, host
of the Ben Shapiro show, co-founder of the Daily Wire, and author of several books, including
the authoritarian moment, the right side of history, and facts don't care about your feelings.
Whatever your political leanings, I humbly ask that you try to put those aside and listen with an open mind, trying to give
the most charitable interpretation of the words we say.
This is true in general for this podcast, whether the guest is Ben Shapiro or Alexandria
Ocasio Cortez, Donald Trump or Barack Obama.
I will talk to everyone from every side, from the far left to the far right,
from presidents to prisoners, from artists to scientists, from the powerful to the powerless,
because we are all human, all capable of good and evil, all with fascinating stories and ideas
to explore. I seek only to understand and in so doing, hopefully, add a bit of love to the world.
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I do wonder, since on this podcast we talk about immortality sometimes, what happens to
the left insurance when you're genetically guaranteed to be immortal.
I mean, because there's not going to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to be able to the life of your body and everything within it, but you want to ensure the data,
the information inside your brain.
If it gets corrupted and destroyed,
the people you love will get some money.
That's a really interesting future idea,
but unfortunately, unfortunately,
depends where you land on the debate.
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And now, dear friends, here's Ben Shapiro. Let's start with a difficult topic.
What do you think about the comments made by Yeh formally known as Kanye West about Jewish
people?
They're awful and anti-Semitic and they seem to get worse over time.
They started off with the bizarre Deathcon 3- three tweet and then they went into even more stereotypical garbage about Jews and Jews being sexual manipulators.
I think that was the Pete Davidson Kim Kardashian stuff and then Jews running all of the media,
Jews being charged with the financial sector, Jewish people. I mean, there's no, I mean,
I called it on my show. There's Sherman Ossiaism and it is. I mean, there's no, I mean, I called it on my show, there's Sherman Ossiism,
and it is.
I mean, it's like right from protocols of the elders' desire and type stuff.
Do you think those words come from pain, where they come from?
And you know, it's always hard to try and read somebody's mind.
And what he looks like to me, just having experienced a man family with people who are bipolar
is he seems like a bipolar personality.
He seems like somebody who is in the middle of a manic episode
and when you're manic you tend to say a lot of things that you shouldn't say and you tend to
believe that they're the most brilliant things ever said. The Washington Post an entire piece speculating
about how bipolarism played into the kind of stuff that Ye was saying and it's hard for me to think that it's not playing into it, especially
because even if he is an anti-Semite and I have no reason to suspect he's not given all
of his comments, if he had an ounce of common sense, he would stop at a certain point.
And bipolarism tends to drive you well past the point where common sense applies. So,
I mean, I would imagine it's coming from that. I mean,
from his comments, I would also imagine that he's doing the logical mistake that a lot of anti-Semites
or racist or bigots do, which is somebody hurt me, that person is a Jew. Therefore, all Jews are
bad. And that jump from a person did something to me I don't like, who's a member of a particular
race or class. And therefore, everybody of that race or class is bad. I mean, that's textbook
bigotry. And that's pretty obviously what Yez engaging in here.
So jumping from the individual to the group. That's the way he's been expressing it, right?
He keeps talking about his Jewish agents. And I watched your interview with him and you kept
saying it, so just name the agents, right? Just name the people who are screwing you. And he
wouldn't do it. Instead, he just kept going back to the general, the group, right? Just name the people who are who are screwing you and he wouldn't do it instead
He just kept going back to the general the group the the Jews in general
I mean that's that's textbook bigotry and if we're putting any other context
He would probably recognize it as such
To the degree is words fuel hate in the world
What's the way to reverse that process was the way to alleviate the hate?
I mean when it comes to alleviating the kind of stuff
that he's saying, obviously debunking it,
making clear to what he's saying is garbage.
But the reality is that I think that for most people
who are in any way engaged with these issues,
I don't think they're being convinced to be anti-Semitic by,
yeah, I mean, I think that there's a group of people
who may be swayed, then anti-Semitism is acceptable
because Ye is saying what he's saying,
and he's saying so very loudly,
and he's saying it over and over.
But I think that, for example, there are these signs
that are popping up in Los Angeles saying,
yeah, he's right, well, that group's been out there
posting anti-Semitic signs on the freeways for years. And their groups like that posting anti-Semitic
signs where I live in Florida, they've been doing that for years. Well, before yay was saying
this sort of stuff, it's just like the latest opportunity to kind of jump on on that particular
bandwagon. But listen, I think that people do have a moral duty to call that stuff out.
So there is a degree to which it normalizes that kind of idea that Jews control the media,
Jews control X institution. Is there a way to talk about a high representation of a group,
like Jewish people in a certain institution like the media or Hollywood and so on, without it being a hateful conversation.
Of course. A high percentage of higher than statistically represented in the population,
percentage of Hollywood agents are probably Jewish. A higher percentage of lawyers,
generally, are probably Jewish. A higher percentage of accountants are probably Jewish.
Also, a higher percentage of engineers
are probably Asian. Statistical truths are statistical truths. It doesn't necessarily mean anything
about the nature of the people who are being talked about. There are a myriad of reasons
why people might be disproportionately in one arena or another ranging from the cultural
two, sometimes the genetic. I mean, there's certain areas of the
world where people are better long distance runners because of their genetic adaptations in those
particular areas of the world. That's not racist. That's just fact. What starts to get racist is when
you are attributing a bad characteristic to an entire population based on the notion that some
members of that population are doing bad things. Yeah, there's a jump between it's also possible that
record label owners as a group
have a kind of culture that
F's over artists, doesn't treat artists fairly and it's also possible that there's a high representation of Jews in
the group of people that own record labels, but it's that small, but a very big
leap that people take from the group that own record labels to all Jews.
For sure. I think that one of the other issues also is that anti-semitism is fascinating
because it breaks down into so many different parts, meaning that if you look at different types of anti-semitism, if you're a racist against
black people, it's typically because you're racist based on the color of their skin.
If you're racist against the Jews or anti-Semitic, then there are actually a few different ways
that breaks down.
You have anti-semitism in terms of ethnicity, which is like Nazi-ask anti-semitism.
You have Jewish parent age, you have a Jewish grandparents.
Therefore, your blood is corrupt
and you are inherently going to have bad properties.
Then there's sort of old school religious anti-semitism, which is that the Jews are the killers
of Christ or the Jews are the sons of pigs and monkeys, and therefore Judaism is bad and
therefore Jews are bad.
And the way that you get out of that anti-semitism historically speaking is mass conversion,
which most anti-semitism for a couple thousand years
actually was not ethnic.
It was much more rooted in this sort of stuff, right?
If you converted out of the faith,
then the anti-semitism was quote unquote alleviated.
And then there's a sort of bizarre anti-semitism
that's political anti-semitism
and that is members of a group that I don't like,
are disproportionately Jewish,
therefore all Jews are members of this group
or are predominantly represented in this group.
So you'll see Nazis saying the Communists are Jews.
You'll see Communists saying the Nazis are Jews,
or you'll see Communists saying that the capitalists
rather are Jews.
And so that's the weird thing about anti-Semitism.
It's kind of like the Jews behind every corner. It's basically a big conspiracy theory. Unlike a lot of other forms
of racism, which are not really conspiracy theory, anti-Semitism tends to be a conspiracy
theory about the levers of power being controlled by a shadowy cadre of people who are getting
together behind closed doors to control things.
Yeah, the most absurd illustration of anti-Semitism, just like you said, is Stalin versus Hitler over Poland,
that every bad guy was a Jew. So every enemy, there's a lot of different enemy groups,
intellectuals, political, and so on, military, and behind any movement that is considered the
enemy for the Nazis, and any movement that's considered the enemy for the Soviet army
are the Jews.
What is the fact that Hitler took power?
Teach you about human nature.
When you look back at the history of the 20th century, what do you learn from that time?
I mean, there are a bunch of lessons to Hitler taking power.
The first thing I think people ought to recognize about Hitler taking power is that the power
had been centralized in the government before Hitler took it.
So if you actually look at the history of Nazi Germany, the Vimer Republic had effectively
collapsed.
The power had been centralized in the chancellery and really under Hindenburg for a couple
of years before that.
And so it was only a matter of time until someone
who was bad grabbed the power. And so the struggle between the Reds and the Browns in
Nazism in pre-Nazi Germany led to this kind of upspiraling of radical sentiment that allowed
Hitler in through the front door, not through the back door, right? He was elected.
So you think Communist could have also taken power?
I mean, there's no question Communist could have taken power. They were a serious force in
pre-Nazi Germany. Do you think there was an underlying current that would have led to an atrocity
if the communist taken power? It wouldn't have been quite the same atrocity, but obviously the communist
and Soviet Russia at exactly this time were committing the halatimar. Yeah, right. So they, so it was
there were there were very few good guys in terms of good parties. The moderate parties were being dragged by the radicals into alliance with them to prevent
the worst case scenario from the other guy.
So if you look at, I'm sort of fascinated by the history of this period because it really
does speak to how does a democracy break down.
I mean, the 20s, Vimer Republic was a very liberal democracy.
How does a liberal democracy break down into complete fascism and then into genocide?
And there's a character who was very prominent in the history of that time, and in Francois
Papan, who was actually the second to last chancellor of the Republic before Hitler.
So he was the chancellor, and then he handed over to Schleicher, and then he ended up,
Schleicher ended up collapsing and that ended up handing power over to Hitler.
It was Papan who had stumped for Hitler to become chancellor.
Paypin was a Catholic Democrat.
He didn't like Hitler.
He thought that Hitler was a radical and a nut job.
But he also thought that Hitler being a buffoon, as he saw it, was going to essentially be
usable by the right forces in order to prevent the in order to prevent the commoness from taking power
Maybe in order to restore some sort of legitimacy to the regime because he was popular in order for paper to retain power himself
And then immediately after Hitler taking power Hitler basically kills all of Papin's friends
Papin out of quote-unquote loyalty stays on he ends up helping the Anshulus and Austria
Now all this stuff is really interesting mainly because what it speaks to is
The great lie we tell ourselves that people who are evil are not like us. They're they're a class apart people who do evil things people who support evil people people
They're not like us and that that that's an easy call everybody
Everybody in history who has sinned is a person who's very different from me
Robert George the philosopher over at Princeton
He's he's fond of doing a sort of thought experiment in his classes where he asks people to raise
their hand if they had lived in Alabama in 1861. How many of you would be abolitionists? And
everybody raises their hand. He says, of course, that's not true. Of course, that's not true.
The best protection against evil is recognizing that it lies in every human heart and the possibility that
it takes you over.
And so you have to be very cautious in how you approach these issues and the bad can forth
of politics, the sort of bipolarity of politics, the, or the polarization in politics might
be a better way to put it, you know, makes it very easy to, to kind of fall into the rock
of the sock and robots that eventually could theoretically
allow you to support somebody who's truly frightening and hideous in order to stop somebody
who you think is more frightening and hideous.
And this is kind of language, by the way, now predominating almost all over the Western
world, right?
My political enemy is an enemy of democracy.
My political enemy is going to end the republic.
My political enemy is going to be the person who destroys the country we live in.
And so that person has to be stopped
by any means necessary.
And that's dangerous stuff.
So the communists have to be stopped in Nazi Germany.
And so they're the devil.
And so any useful buffoon, as long as they're effective
against the communists would do.
Do you ever wonder because the people that are participating in evil may not understand
that they're doing evil?
Do you ever sit back in the quiet of your mind and think am I participating in evil?
I mean, so my business partner and I, one of our favorite memes is from, there's a British
comedy show that names G escapes me of these two
guys who are members of the SS and they're dressed in the SS uniforms and the black uniforms
that the skulls on them and they're saying to each other, one says to the other guy, you
notice like the British, the simple is something nice and it's like an eagle.
But it's a skull and crossbones, you see the Americans, you see the blue uniforms, very nice and pretty awesome jet black.
We the baddies.
And, you know, that's it.
And the truth is we look back at the Nazis and we say, well, of course, they were the
baddies.
They wore black uniforms.
They had jackboots and they had this.
And of course, they were the bad guys.
But evil rarely presents its face so clearly.
So yeah, I mean, I think that you have to constantly be thinking along those lines and hopefully you try to avoid it. You can only do the best that a human
being can do. But yeah, I mean, the answer is yes. I would say that I spend an inordinate
amount of time reflecting on whether I'm doing the right thing. And I may not always do
the right thing. I'm sure a lot of people think that I'm doing the wrong thing on a daily basis
But it's definitely a question that has to enter your mind as a historically
aware and hopefully more ladies in person. Do you think you're mentally strong enough if you realize
that you're on the wrong side of history to switch sides very few people in history seem to be strong enough to do that
I mean, I think that the answer I hope would be yes. You never know until the time comes and you
have to do it. I will say that having heterodox opinions in a wide variety of areas is something
that I have done before. I'm the only person I've ever heard of in public life who actually has a
list on their website of all the dumb stupid things I've ever said
So where I go through and I either say this is why I still believe this or this is why what I said was terrible and stupid
And I'm sure that list will get a lot longer. Yeah, look forward to new additions
It actually is a super super long list people should check it out and it's quite honest and raw
What do you think about it's interesting to ask you, given how pro life you are about Yays comments about comparing the Holocaust to the 900,000 abortions in the United States
a year.
So I'll take this from two angles.
As a pro life person, I actually didn't find it offensive because if you believe, as I do,
that unborn and pre-born lives deserve protection,
then this slaughter of just under a million of them every year
for the last almost 50 years
is a historic tragedy on par with a Holocaust.
From the outside perspective, I get why people would say
there's a difference in how people view the pre-born
as to how people view, say, a seven-year-old is being killed in the Holocaust,
like the visceral power and evil of the Nazi shoving full-grown human beings and small children
and the gas chambers can't be compared to a person who, even from a pro-life perspective,
may not fully understand the consequences of their own decisions or from a pro-choice
perspective, fully understands the consequences, but just doesn't think that that person is a person that that's actually different.
So I understand both sides of it. I wasn't offended by Yez comments in that way though,
because if you're a pro-life human being, then you do think that what's happening is a great
tragedy on scale that involves the dehumanization of an entire class of people, the preborn.
So the philosophical you understand the comparison.
I did. Sure.
So in his comments in the jumping from the individual to the group,
I'd like to ask you, you're one of the most effective people in the world that
attacking the left. And sometimes they can slip into attacking the group.
Do you worry that they're, that's the same kind of oversimplification that Yeh is
doing about Jewish people that you can sometimes do with the left as a group?
So when I speak about the left, I'm speaking about philosophy. I'm not really speaking about
individual human beings as the leftists like group and then try to name who the members
of this individual group are. I also make a distinction between the left and liberals.
There are a lot of people who are liberal who disagree with me on taxes,
disagree with the unformed policy, disagree with me on a lot of things.
The people who I'm talking about generally, and I talk about the left and the
United States are people who believe that alternative points of view ought to be
silenced because they are damaging and harmful simply based on the disagreement.
So that's one distinction.
The second distinction again is when I talk about the right
versus the left, typically I'm talking about
a battle of competing philosophies.
And so I'm not speaking about typically,
it would be hard to, if you put a person in front of me
inside as this person of the left or of the right,
having just met them, I wouldn't be able to label them
in the same way that if you met somebody
that had been in a greenstein, you immediately got you,
or you made it a black person, black person.
And the adherence to a philosophy makes you a member of a group.
If I think the philosophy is bad, that doesn't necessarily mean that you as a person are
bad, but it does mean that I think your philosophy is bad.
Yeah.
So the grouping is based on the philosophy versus something like a race, like the color
of your skin or race is in the case of the Jewish
people.
So it's a different thing.
You can be a little bit more nonchalant and careless in attacking a group because it's
ultimately attacking a set of ideas.
Well, I mean, it's really nonchalant and attacking the set of ideas.
And I don't know that nonchalant would be the way I'd put it.
I tried to be exact when you're, you know, you don't always hit, but, you know, the, if I say that I oppose the communists, right?
And then presumably I'm speaking of people who believe in the communist philosophy.
Now the question is whether I'm mislabeling, right?
Whether I'm taking someone who's not actually a communist and then shoving them in that group
of communists, right?
That'd be an accurate.
The, the, the dangerous thing is it expands the group as opposed to you talking about the philosophy You you're you're throwing everybody who's ever said. I'm curious about communism. I'm curious about socials
There's because there's like a gradient, you know, it's like
To throw something at you. I think Joe Biden said
Mago Republicans, right?
You know, I think that's a very careless statement because the thing you jump to immediately is like all the public
For Trump right versus I think in the in the charitable interpretation that means a set of ideas
Yeah, my man actually problem with with the Magga Republicans line from from Biden is that he went on in the speech that he made in
In front of a dependent tall to actually trying to find what it meant to be a Maga Republican who is a threat to the Republic was the kind of language that he was using.
And later on in the speech, he actually suggested, well, you know, there are moderate Republicans.
And the moderate Republicans are people who agree with me on like the inflation reduction acts.
Like, well, that can't be the dividing line between a Maga Republican and a moderate,
like a moderate Republican somebody who agrees with you, you got a name made like a Republican
who disagrees
with you fairly strenuously,
but is not in this group of threats to the Republic.
You make that distinction,
we can have a fair discussion about whether the idea
of election denial, for example,
make somebody a threat to institutions.
That's a conversation that we can have,
and then we'll have to discuss how much power they have,
what the actual perspective is, what delve into it.
But I think that he was being overbroad and labeling all of his political enemies under
one rubric.
Now, again, in politics, this stuff sort of happens all the time.
I'm not going to plead clean hands here because I'm sure that I've been inexact.
But somebody who would be good in that particular situation is for somebody to sort of read me
back the quote and I'll let you know where I've been inaccurate.
I'll try to do that.
And also, you don't shy away from humor and occasional trolling and mockery and
all that kind of stuff for the for the for the chaos, all that kind of.
I mean, I try not to do trollery for trollery, but you know, if the show's not
entertaining and not fun, people aren't going to listen.
And so, you know, if you can't have fun with politics, the truth about politics is
we all take it very seriously because it has some serious ramifications.
Politics is deep. It is not house of cards. The general
rule of politics is that everyone is a moron unless proven otherwise. That virtually everything
is done out of stupidity rather than malice. And that if you actually watch politics as a
comedy, you'll have a lot more fun. And so the difficulty for me is I take politics seriously,
but also I have the ability to sort of flip the switch and suddenly it all becomes incredibly
funny. Because it really is. Like if you just watch it from a pure entertainment perspective I take politics seriously, but also I have the ability to sort of flip the switch and suddenly it all becomes incredibly funny
because it really is like if you just watch it from a pure entertainment perspective and you put aside the fact that it affects hundreds of millions of people then
watching you know
President Trump being president. I mean, he's one of the funniest humans who's ever lived watching Kamala Harris
Be Kamala Harris and talking about how much loves Venn diagrams or electric buses.
I mean, that's funny stuff.
So if I can't make fun of that,
then my job becomes pretty morose pretty quickly.
Yeah, it's funny to figure out
what is the perfect balance between
seeing the humor and the absurdity of the game of it
versus taking it seriously enough
because it does affect hundreds of millions of people.
It's a weird balance to strike. It's like, I am afraid with the internet that everything becomes a joke.
I totally agree with this. I will say this. I try to make less jokes about the
ideas and more jokes about the people in the same way that I make jokes about
myself. I'm pretty self-effacing in terms of my humor. I would say at least half
the jokes on my show or about me. When I'm reading ads for Tommy John and they're talking about their
no-wise you guarantee, I'll say things like, you know, that would help me in high school
because it would have, I mean, just factually speaking.
So, you know, if I can speak that way by myself, I feel like everybody else can take it as well.
Difficult question. In 2017, there was a mosque shooting in Quebec City.
Six people died. five others seriously injured.
The 27-year-old gunman consumed a lot of content online and checked Twitter accounts, a lot,
a lot of people, but one of the people he checked quite a lot of was you.
93 times in the month leading up to the shooting. If you could talk to that young man,
what would you tell him? And maybe other young men listening to this
that have hate in their heart in that same way, what would you tell him? You're getting it wrong. If anything that I or anyone else in mainstream politics says
drives you to violence, you're getting it wrong. You're getting it wrong. Now again, when
when it comes to stuff like this, I have a hard and fast rule that I've applied evenly across
the spectrum. And that is I never blame people's politics
for other people committing acts of violence
unless they're actively advocating violence.
So when a fan of Bernie Sanders shoots up
a congressional baseball game
that is not Bernie Sanders's fault.
I may not like his red record.
I made a severe thing on everything.
Bernie Sanders did not tell somebody
to go shoot up a congressional baseball game.
When a nut case in San Francisco goes and hits
Paul Pelosi with a hammer, I'm not going to blame Kevin McCarthy, the house speaker for that. When
somebody threatens Brett Kavanaugh, I'm not going to, I'm not going to suggest that that was Joe Biden's
fault because it's not Joe Biden's fault. I mean, we can play this game all day long and I find
that the people who are most intensely focused on playing this game are people who tend to oppose
the politics of the person as opposed to actually believing sincerely that this is driven somebody into the arms of the God of violence.
But, you know, I have 4.7 million Twitter followers, I have 8 million Facebook followers, I have 5 million YouTube followers.
I would imagine that some of them are people who are violent. I would imagine that some of them are people who do evil things or wants to do evil things.
And I wish that there were a one that we could wave that would prevent those people from deliberately
or mistakenly misinterpreting things as a call of violence. It's just a negative byproduct of the fact
that you can reach a lot of people. And so, you know, if somebody could point me to the comment that I suppose, quote unquote,
drove somebody to go and literally murder human beings,
then I would appreciate it.
So I could talk about the comment,
but I don't, mainly because I just think that
if we remove agency from individuals,
and if we blame broad-scale political rhetoric for every act of violence. We're not gonna
The the the people who are gonna pay the price are actually the the general population because free speech will go away
If the idea is that things that we say could drive somebody who is unbalanced to go do something evil
The necessary byproduct is hate is that is that speech is a form of hate is a form of violence. Speech is a form of violence. Speech needs to be curved.
And that to me is deeply disturbing. So definitely he, that man, the 27-year-old man is the only
one responsible for the evil he did. But what if he and others like him are not in uncases?
But what if he and others like him are not in the not cases? What if there are people with pain, with anger in their heart?
What would you say to them?
You are exceptionally influential and other people like you that speak passionately about
ideas.
What do you think is your opportunity to alleviate the hate in their heart?
If we're speaking about people who aren't mental ill and people who are just misguided,
I'd say to him, the thing that I said to every other young man in the country, you need
to find meaning and purpose in forming connections that actually matter in a belief system that
actually promotes general prosperity and promotes helping other people.
And this is why the message that I most commonly say to young men is it's time for you to grow up mature, get a job, get married, have a family, take care of the people around you become a useful part of your community.
I've never at any point in my entire career suggested violence as a resort to political political issues and the whole point of having a political conversation is that it's a conversation if I didn't think that that you were worth trying to convince people of my point of
You I wouldn't do what I do for a living
So violence doesn't solve it. No, it doesn't
As if this wasn't already a difficult conversation
Let me ask about
Ilhan Omar.
You've called out her criticism of Israel policies as anti-Semitic.
Is there a difference between criticizing a race of people like the Jews and criticizing
the policies of a nation like Israel?
Of course.
Of course.
I criticized the policies of Israel on a fairly regular basis.
I would assume from a different angle than Ilhan Omar does.
But yeah, I mean, I criticized the policies of Israel on a fairly regular basis. I would assume from a different angle than El Han Omar does. But yeah, I mean, I criticize the policies of a wide variety
of states.
And to take an example, I've criticized Israel's policy
and giving control of the Temple Mounts,
the Islamic Wok, which effectively prevents anybody
except for Muslims for praying up there.
I've also criticized the Israeli government
for their COVID crackdown.
I mean, I didn't criticize the policies of any government.
But that's not what El Han Omar does.
El Han Omar doesn't actually believe that there should be a state of Israel.
She believes that Zionism is racism and that the existence of a Jewish state in Israel is in and
of itself the great sin that a statement should make about no other people in no other land.
She would not say that the French don't deserve a state for the French. She wouldn't say that
Somalis wouldn't deserve a state in Somalia. She wouldn't say that that German is supposed to deserve a state in Germany. She wouldn't say for the
50 plus Islamic states that exist across the world that they don't deserve states of their
own. It is only the Jewish state that has fallen under her significant scrutiny. And she
also promulgates lies about one specific state in the form of suggesting, for example, that
Israel is in a part-tide state, which is most eminently not considering that the last unity government in Israel included an
Arab party, that there are Arabs who sit on the Israeli Supreme Court and all the rest.
And then beyond that, obviously, she's engaged in some of the same sort of anti-Semitic
tropes that you heard from Yeh, right?
The stuff about, it's all about the Benjamin's that American support for Israel is all about
the Benjamin's.
And she's had to be tried by members of her own party about this sort of stuff before.
Can you empathize with the plight of Palestinian people?
Absolutely, I mean, I you know some of the uglier things that I've ever said in my career are things that I said very early on when I was 17 18
I started writing a syndicate a comment on 17. I'm now 38
So virtually all the dumb thing. That's a virtually all many of the dumb things the binge the plurality of the dumb things that I said came from the
Ages about say 17 to maybe 23
Yeah, and they are rooted again in sloppy thinking. I feel terrible for people who have lived
under the thumb and currently live under the thumb of Hamas, which is a national terrorist
group, or the Palestinian Authority, which is a corrupt oligarchy that steals money from
its people and leaves them in misery, or Islamic Jihad, which is an actual terrorist group. And the basic rule for the region, in my view, is if these groups were willing to make
peace with Israel, they would have a state literally tomorrow.
And if they are not, then there will be no peace.
And it really is that simple.
If Israel, the formula that's typically used has become a bit of a bumper sticker, but
it happens to be factually correct.
If the Palestinians put down their guns tomorrow, there would be a state.
If the Israelis put down their guns, there would be no Israel.
You get attacked a lot on the internet.
I got to ask you about your own psychology.
How do you not let that break you mentally?
And how do you avoid letting that lead to a resentment of the
groups that attack you?
I mean, it's so there are a few sort of practical things that I've done. So for example, I would
say that four years ago, Twitter was all consuming. Twitter is an ego machine, especially the
notifications button, right? The notifications button is just people talking about you all
the time and the normal human tendency is wow, people talking about me, I got to see
what they're saying about me, which is a recipe for insanity.
So my wife actually said, Twitter is making your life miserable.
You need to take it off your phone.
So Twitter is not on my phone.
If I want to log on to Twitter, I have to go on to my computer.
And I have to make the conscious decision to go on to Twitter and then take a look at what's going on.
I could just imagine you like there's a computer in the basement.
You descend into the Czech Twitter.
That's pretty much it. I mean, if you look at when I actually tweet, it's generally computer in the basement you descend into the check Twitter.
That's pretty much in darkness.
If you look at when I actually tweet, it's generally like in the run up to recording
my show or when I'm prepping for my show later in the afternoon, for example, that doesn't
affect you negatively mentally, like put you in a bad mental space.
Not particularly if it's restricted to sort of what's being washed out.
I will say that I think the most important thing is you have to surround yourself with a group of people who are, who you trust enough to make serious critiques
of you when you're doing something wrong, but also you know that they have your best interest
at heart. Because the internet is filled with people who don't have your best interest at
heart and who ate your guts. And so you can't really take those critiques seriously or it
does wreck you. And the world is also filled with sycophants, right? Then the more successful
you become,
there are a lot of people who will tell you
you're always doing the right thing.
I'm very lucky.
I got married when I was 24, my wife was 20,
so she's known me long before I was famous
or wealthy or anything.
And so she's a good sounding board.
I have a family that's willing to call me out
on my bullshit as you talk to you about.
I have friends who are able to do that.
I try to have open lines of communications with people who I believe have my best interest
at heart, but one of the sort of conditions of being friends that when you see me do something
wrong, I'd like for you to let me know that so I can correct it.
I don't want to leave bad impressions out there.
The sad thing about the internet is just looking at the critiques you get.
I see very few critiques when people that actually want you to succeed and want you to
grow.
I mean, they're very, they're not sophisticated.
They're just, they're, I don't know, they're cruel.
The critiques are just, it's not the actual critiques.
It's just cruelty.
And that's, that's most of Twitter.
I mean, as a, as a, Twitter is a place to, to, to smack and be smacked.
I mean, that's the, anybody who uses Twitter for, uh Twitter for an intellectual conversation, I think, is engaging in category
error.
I use it to spread love.
I think it's the possible.
You're the only one.
It's you.
It's you and no one else, my friend.
All right.
On that topic, what do you think about Elon buying Twitter?
What do you like?
What are you hopeful on that front?
What would you like to see Twitter improve?
So I'm very hopeful about Elon buying Twitter.
I mean, I think that Elon is significantly more transparent
than what has taken place up till now.
He seems committed to the idea
that he's gonna broaden the over 10 window
to allow for conversations that simply were banned
before everything ranging from efficacy of masks
with regard to COVID, to whether men can become women
and all the rest, a lot of things that would get you banned on Twitter before, without any sort of real explanation,
it seems like he's dedicated to at least explaining what the standards are going to be and being
broader in allowing a variety of perspectives on the outlet, which I think is wonderful.
I think that's also why people are freaking out. I think the kind of wailing and gnashing of teeth
and wearing of sat cloth and ash by so many members of the legacy media, I think the kind of wailing and gnashing of teeth and wearing of sat cloth and ash by
so many members of the legacy media, I think a lot of that is because Twitter essentially
was an oligarchy in which certain perspectives were allowed and certain perspectives just
were not. And that was part of a broader social media, reimposed oligarchy in the aftermath
of 2017. So in order for just to really understand, I think, what it means for Elon to take over
Twitter, I think that we have to take a look at sort of the history of media in the United
States in two minutes or less.
The United States, the media for most of its existence, up until about 1990, at least from
about 1930s until the 1990s, virtually all media was three major television networks,
a couple major newspapers and the wire services.
I ever had a local newspaper with the wire services that basically did all the foreign
policy and all the national policy mcclatchy roiders a p a f p etc.
so that monopoly or oligopoly existed until the rise of the internet there were sort of
pokes at it and talk radio and fox news but there certainly was not this plethora of sources
then the internet explodes and all the sudden you can get news everywhere and the way the people are accessing that news is
your I believe significantly younger than I am but we used to do this thing called bookmarking where you would bookmark a series of websites and then you would visit them every morning
and then and then social media came up and you know or yeah exactly you have the dial up and you actually it it was actually a can connected to a string and you had actually just it would go
and
and and then
There came a point where social media arose and social media was sort of a boon for everybody because you no longer had a bookmark
Anything you just followed your favorite accounts and all of them would pop up and you followed everything on Facebook
And it would all pop up and it was all centralized and for a while everybody was super happy because this was the brand new wave of the future Made everything super easy suddenly outlets like mine were able to see new eyeballs because it was all centralized in one place
Right, you didn't have to do it through Google optimization
You could now just put it on Facebook and so many eyeballs were on Facebook you'd get more traffic
And everybody seemed pretty happy with this arrangement until precisely the moment Donald Trump became president at that point
Then the sort of pre-existing
supposition of a lot of the powers that
be, which was Democrats are going to continue winning from here on out, so we can sort of
use the social media platforms as ways to push our information and still allow for there
to be other information out there.
The immediate response was, we need to reestablish this siphoning of information.
It was misinformation and disinformation that one Donald Trump the election
We need to pressure the social media companies to start cracking down on misinformation and disinformation and actually see this in the historical record
I mean you can see how Jack Dorsey's talk about free speech shifted from about 2015 to about 2018
You can see Mark Zuckerberg gave a speech at Georgetown in 2018 which he talked about free speech and its value and by 2019
He was going in front of Congress talking about how he was responsible for
the stuff that was on Facebook, which is not true.
He's not responsible for the stuff on Facebook, right?
It's a platform.
It's AT&T responsible for the stuff you say on your phone.
The answer is typically no.
So when that happened, all of these, because all the eyeballs had now been centralized in
these social media sites, they were able to suddenly control what you could see and what
you could not see.
And the most obvious example was obviously leading up to 2020, the election, the killing
of the Hunter Biden story is a great example of this.
And so Elon coming in and taking over one of the social media service and saying, I'm
not playing by a rule, right?
There's not going to be this sort of group of people in the halls of power.
We're going to decide what we can see.
And here instead, I'm going gonna let all thousand flowers bloom.
There'll be limits, but it's gonna be on more case by case basis.
We're going to allow perspectives that are mainstream,
but maybe not mainstream in the halls of academia
or in the halls of media, let those be said.
I think it's a really good thing.
Now, that comes with some responsibilities
on Anaglan's personal part which would be you know to be
For example, I think more responsible and dissemination of information himself sometimes, right?
Like he got himself in trouble the other day for tweeting out that
That story about Paul Pelosi that that was speculative and and untrue and I think I don't think what he did is
You know horrific. He deleted it when he found out that it was false
But and that's actually a free speech working, right? He said something wrong, people ripped into him, he realized he was wrong, he deleted it,
which seems to be a better solution than preemptively ban and content, which only raises more
questions than it actually stops.
With that said, as the face of responsible free speech, you know, and that's sort of
what he's pitching at Twitter, he, I think, should enact that himself and be a little more
careful in the stuff that he tweets out. Well, that's sort of what he's pitching at Twitter. He, I think, should enact that himself and be a little more careful in the stuff that
he tweets out.
Well, that's a tricky balance.
The reason a lot of people are freaking out is because one, he's putting his thumb on
the scale by saying he is more likely to be Republican.
He's showing himself to be Senate right and sort of just having a political opinion versus
being this amorphous thing that doesn't have a political opinion.
I think, if I already guess, I haven't talked to him about it, but if I already guess he's
sending a kind of signal that's important for the Twitter, the company itself, because
if we're being honest, most of the employees are left leaning.
So you have to kind of send a signal that like a resisting mechanism to say like, since
most of the employees are left, it's good for Elon to be more right to balance
out the way the actual engineering is done to say, we're not going to do any kind of activism
inside the engineering. If I were to guess, that's kind of the effect of that mechanism.
And the other one, but posting the Pelosi thing, is probably to expand the over-to-window,
like saying, we can play, we can post stuff, we can post conspiracy theories,
and then through discourse figure out what is and isn't true.
Yeah, again, like I say, I mean, I think that the, that is a better mechanism in action than
what it was before. I just think it gave people who hate his guts, the opening to kind of slap him
for no reason, but I can see the strategy of it for sure. I just think it gave people who hate his guts, the opening to kind of slap him for no reason.
But I can see the strategy of it for sure.
And I think that the general idea that he's kind of pushing right where the company had
pushed left before, I think that there is actually unilateral polarization right now in politics,
at least with regard to social media, in which one side basically says the solution to disinformation is to shut down free
speech from the other side and the other side is basically like people like me are saying
the solution to disinformation is to let a thousand like I'd rather have people on the
left also being able to put out stuff that I disagree with than for there to be anybody
who's sort of in charge of these social media platforms and using them as editorial sites.
I mean, I'm not criticizing MSNBC
for not putting on right-wing opinions.
I mean, that's fine.
I run a conservative site.
We're not gonna put up left-wing opinions
on a wide variety of issues
because we are a conservative site.
But if you pitch yourself as a platform,
that's a different thing.
If you pitch yourself as the town square,
as Elon likes to call it,
then I think Elon has a better idea of that
than many of the former employees did, especially now that we have that report from the intercepts suggesting
that there are people from Twitter working with DHS to monitor quote unquote disinformation
and being rather vague about what disinformation meant.
Yeah, I don't think activism has a place in what is fundamentally an engineering company
that's building a platform.
Like the people inside the company should not be putting a thumb in the scale of what
is and isn't allowed.
You should create a mechanism for the people to decide what isn't allowed.
Do you think Trump should have been removed from Twitter?
Should his account be restored?
His account should be restored.
And this is coming from somebody who really dislikes an enormous number of Donald Trump's tweets. Um, again, he's a very important political personage, even if he weren't.
I don't think that he should be banned from Twitter or Facebook in coordinated fashion.
By the way, I hold that opinion about people who I think are far worse than Donald Trump.
People, I, everyone knows I'm not an Alex Jones guy.
I don't like Alex Jones.
I think Alex Jones. Oh, I think Alex Jones.
Oh, I think Alex should be back on Twitter.
I do actually, because I think that there are plenty of people who are willing to say
that what he's saying is wrong.
And I'm not a big fan of this idea that, that because people I disagree with, and people
who have personally targeted me, by the way, I mean, Alex Jones has been, has said some,
some things about me personally that I'm not real fond of.
You guys know, well, we're not besties.
Now, it turns out, yeah, you know, all I've said is I don't really enjoy a show.
He said some other stuff about the anti-Christ and such, but that's, that's, that's a bit of a
different thing, I suppose.
You know, even so, you know, I'm, I'm, I'm just not a big fan of this idea.
Like, I've defended people who have really gone after me on a personal level, have targeted
me that the town square is online. I've defended people who have really gone after me on a personal level, have targeted me,
that the town square is online.
Bending people from the town square is unpersoning them.
Unless you violated a criminal statute, you should not be unpersoned in American society
as a general rule.
That doesn't mean that companies that are not platforms don't have the ability to respond
to you.
I think Adidas is right to terminate
its contract with Kanye, for example, or with the A. You know, that's, but Twitter ain't Adidas.
So the way your stance on free speech to the degree it's possible to achieve on a platform like Twitter is you fight bad speech with more speech, with
better speech. And that's, so if Alex Jones and Trump was allowed back on in the coming
months and years leading up to the 2024 election, you think that's going to make for a better
world in the long term?
I think that on the principle that people should be allowed to do this and the alternative
being a group of thought bosses telling us what we can and cannot see, yes.
So I think in the short term, it's going to mean a lot of things that I don't like very
much. Sure.
I mean, that's, that's the, that's the cost of doing business, you know?
Like I think that one of the, one of the cost of freedom is people doing things that I
don't particularly like.
And I would prefer the freedom with, with all the freedom with all the stuff I don't like
than not the freedom.
Let me linger on the love a little bit.
You and a lot of people are pretty snarky on Twitter.
Sometimes to the point of mockery,
derision, even a bit of, if I were to say, bad faith
in the kind of mockery.
And you see it as a war.
I disagree with both you and
Elon on this. Elon sees Twitter as a war zone or at least has saw it that way in the past.
Have you ever considered being nice around Twitter?
As a voice that a lot of people look up to that if Ben Shapiro becomes a little bit more about love
that can inspire a lot of people or no,
is it just too fun for you?
The answer is yes, sure, it's occurred to me, let's put it this way, there are a lot of
tweets that actually don't go out that I delayed.
I'll say that Twitter's new function, that 30 second function is a friend of mine.
Every so often I'll tweet something and I'll think about it a second time.
Do I need to say this?
Probably not. Can you make a book published after you pass away
of all the tweets that you didn't send?
Oh no, my kids are still gonna be around.
I hope so.
That's true.
You know, the legacy.
But yeah, I mean, sure, the answer is yes,
and there's a good piece of what we'd call
an orthodox shoot is a musser.
This is like, he's giving you a musser schmooze right now.
This is like the kind of of you know be a better person
stuff I agree with you I agree with you and and yeah and I will say that Twitter is sometimes
too much fun I try to be and I try to be at least if not even handed then equal opportunity
to my derision and I remember that during the 2016 primaries, I used to post rather snarky tweets about virtually
all of the candidates of Republican and Democrat.
And every so often I'll still do some of that.
I do think actually the amount of snark on my Twitter feed
is going down fairly significantly.
I think if you go back a couple of years,
it was probably a little more snarky.
Today I'm trying to use it a little bit more
in terms of strategy to get out information.
Now that doesn't mean I'm not going to make jokes about, for example, Joe Biden, I will
make jokes about Joe Biden.
He's the president of the United States.
Nobody else will mock him.
So the entire comedic establishment has decided they actually work for him.
So the president of the United States, no matter who they are, get the snark from the
president.
Yes. And President Trump, I think, is fairly aware that he got the snark from me as well.
Like this, when it comes to snarking, the president, I'm not going to stop that.
I think the president deserves to be snarked.
So you're not afraid of attacking Trump?
No, I mean, I've done it before.
Can you say what your favorite and least favorite things are about president Trump and president
Biden on at a time?
So maybe one thing that you can say is super positive about Trump and one thing super negative about Trump.
Okay, so the super positive thing about Trump is that because he has no preconceived views
that are establishmentarian, he's sometimes willing to go out of the box and do things
that haven't been tried before.
And sometimes that works.
I mean, the best example being the entire foreign policy establishment telling him that he couldn't get a Middle Eastern deal done unless he centered
the Palestinian Israeli conflict. And instead, he just went right around that and ended up
cutting a bunch of peace deals in the Middle East or moving the embassy into Jerusalem.
Right? Sometimes he does stuff and it's really out of the box and it actually works. And
that's kind of awesome in politics and neat to see. The downside of Trump is that he has no capacity to use any sort of...
There's no filter between brain and mouth. Well, whatever happens in his brain is the thing that
comes out of his mouth. I know a lot of people find that charming and wonderful, and it is very
funny, but I don't think that it is a particularly excellent personal quality in a person who has
as much responsibility
as President Trump has.
I think he says a lot of damaging and bad things
on Twitter.
I think that he seems consumed in some ways
by his own grievances, which is why you've seen him
focusing on election 2020 so much.
And I think that that is very negative
about President Trump.
So I'm very grateful to President Trump
as a conservative for many of the things that he did.
I think that a lot of his personality issues are are pretty severe
what about
joe by
so i i think that the thing that i like most about joe by yes
i will say that
by didn
two things one by didn
seems to be
you very good father by all available By all available evidence, right?
There are a lot of people who are put out, you know, kind of tape of him talking to Hunter
and Hunter is having trouble with drugs or whatever.
And I keep listening to that tape and thinking, he seems like a really good dad.
Like the stuff that he's saying to his son is stuff that God forbid, if that were happening
with my kid, I'd be saying to my kid.
And so, you know, you can't help but feel for the guys. An incredibly difficult go of it with his first wife and the death of members of his family
and then bowdying.
I mean, that kind of stuff obviously is deeply sympathetic and he seems like a deeply
sympathetic father.
As far as his politics, he seems like a slap on the back, you know, kind of guy.
And I don't mind that.
I think that's nice.
So far as it goes, it's sort of an old school politics where things are done with handshake
and personal relationships.
The thing I don't like about him is I think sometimes that's really not genuine.
I think that sometimes, you know, I think that's his personal tendency, but I think sometimes
he allows the prevailing winds of his party to carry him to incredibly radical places.
And then he just doubles down on
the radicalism in
some pretty disingenuous ways and and there I would cite the the independent state speech with or the
independence hall speech which I thought was truly one of the worst speeches I've seen a president give so you don't think he's trying to be a
unifier in general not at all. I mean I that's that's what he was elected to do. He's elected to do two things not be alive and be a
unifier those were the two things and like and when I, not be alive and be a unifier. Those were the two things.
And like, and when I say not be alive,
I don't mean like physically dead.
This is where the snout comes in.
But what I do mean is that he is,
he was elected to not be particularly activist.
Basically the man that was don't be Trump,
be sane, don't be Trump, call him everything down.
And then said he got in, he's like,
what if we spend $7 trillion?
What if we pull out of Afghanistan without any sort of plan? What if I start labeling all of my political enemies?
enemies of the Republic? What if I start
bringing
Dillamel they need to the White House and talking about how it is a moral sin to prevent the general mutilation of minors?
I mean like this kind of stuff is very radical stuff and this is not a president who is pursued a unifying agenda
Which is why his approval rating sank from 60% when he entered office to low
40s or high 30s today. Unlike president Trump, who never had high approval rating, right?
Trump came into office and he had like a 45% approval rating. And when he left office,
he had about a 43% approval rating. It bounced around between 45 and 37, pretty much as
a higher presidency Biden went from being a very popular guy coming in to a very unpopular
guy right now.
And if you're job Biden, you should be looking in the mirror and wondering exactly why.
Do you think that pulling out from a guy's thing could be flipped as a pro for Biden in
terms of he actually did it?
I think it's going to be almost impossible.
I think the American people are incredibly inconsistent about their own views on foreign
policy.
In other words, we like to be isolationist until it comes time for us to be defeated and humiliated.
When that happens, we tend not to like it very much. You mentioned Biden being a good father.
Can you make the case for and against the Hunter Biden laptop story for it being a big deal and
against it being a big deal? Sure. So the case for it being a big deal is basically twofold. One is that it is clearly relevant.
If the president's son is running around to foreign countries picking up bags of cash because
his last name is Biden while his father is vice president of the United States. And it raises
questions as to influence pedaling for either the vice president or the former vice president
using political connections. Did he make any money?
Who was the big guy right?
All these open questions that obviously implicates the questions to be asked.
And then the secondary reason that the story is big is actually because of the reaction
of the story.
The banning of the story is in and of itself a major story.
If there's, if there's any story that implicates a presidential candidate in the last month
of an election and there is a media blackout, including a social media blackout, that obviously raises some very serious questions about informational flow and dissemination in the last month of an election and there is a media blackout, including a social media blackout.
That obviously raises some very serious questions about informational flow and dissemination
in the United States.
No matter how big of a deal the story is, it is a big deal that there's a censorship of
any relevant story.
Well, there's a coordinated, collusive blackout.
Yeah, that's a serious and major problem.
So those are the two reasons why it would be a big story.
The two reasons, a reason why it would not be a big story, perhaps, is if it turns out, and we don't really know
this yet, but let's say that that Hunter Biden was basically off on his own doing what he
was doing, you know, being a derelict or drug addict or acting badly. And his dad had
nothing to do with it. And Joe was telling the truth. And he really knew, but the problem
is we never actually got those questions answered. So if it had turned out to be a nothing of a story,
the nice thing about stories that turned out to be nothing
is that after they turned out to be nothing, they're nothing.
The biggest problem with this story
is that it wasn't allowed to take the normal life cycle
of a story, which is original story breaks.
File-on questions are asked.
File-on questions are answered.
Story is either now a big story or into nothing.
When the life cycle of a story is cut off right at the very beginning, right when it's born,
then that allows you to speculate in any direction you want.
You can speculate, it means nothing.
It's nonsense.
It's Russian laptop.
It's disinformation.
Or on the other hand, this means that Joe Biden was personally calling Hunter and telling
him to pick up a sack of cash over in Beijing, and then he became president and he's influenced
pedaling. So, this is why it's important to allow these stories to go forward.
So, this is why actually the bigger story for the moment is not the laptop.
It's the reaction to the laptop because it cut off that life cycle of the story.
And then, you know, at some point I would assume that there will be some follow-on questions
that are actually answered.
I mean, the house is pledging if it goes for public insight to investigate all of this.
Again, I wouldn't be supremely surprised if it turns out that there was no direct involvement
of Joe in this sort of stuff because it turns out, as I said before, that all of politics
is weak.
And this is always the story with half the scandals that you see is that everybody assumes
that there is some sort of deep and abiding clever plan that some politician is implementing
it.
And then you look at it and it turns out, no, just something dumb right this sort of perfect example of this you know president
Trump with the classified documents in Marlago so people on the left like it's probably nuclear
codes probably he's taking secret documents and selling them to the Russians of the Chinese
and the real most obvious explanation is Trump looked at the papers and he said I like these
papers and then he just decided to keep them right and then people came to him as a
Mr. President you're not allowed to keep those papers. Who are those people? I
don't care about what they have to say. I'm putting them in the other room in a box.
Like, which is what it is, it is highly likely that that is what happened. And it's very
disappointing to people, I think, when they realize the human brain, I mean, you know this
better than I do, but the human brain is built to find patterns. Right? It's what we like
to do. We've liked to find plans and patterns because this is how we survived in the wild.
As you found a plan, you found a pattern, you crack the code of the universe.
When it comes to politics, the conspiracy theories that we see so often, it's largely because we're
seeing inexplicable events, unless you just assume everyone's more on. If you assume that there's a
lot of stupidity going on, everything becomes quickly explicable. If you assume that there must be
some rationale behind it, you have to come up with increasingly convoluted conspiracy theories to explain just why people
are acting the way that they're acting.
And I find that I won't say 100% of the time, but 94% of the time, the conspiracy theory
turns out just to be people being dumb, and then other people reacting in dumb ways to
the original people being dumb.
But it's also, to me, in that same way, very possible, very likely that the hundred-biden
getting money in Ukraine, I guess, for consulting all that kind of stuff is a nothing burger.
He's qualified, he's getting money as he should.
There's a lot of influence peddling in general in terms that's not corrupt.
I think the most obvious explanation there, probably is that he wasn't fake influence peddling,
meaning he went to Ukraine and he's like, guess what?
My dad's Joe.
And they're like, well, you don't have any qualifications in oil and natural gas and you
don't really have a great resume.
But your dad is Joe.
And then that was kind of the end of it.
They gave him a bag of cash hoping he would do something.
He never did any like that.
I think you're making it sound worse than it is.
I think that in general consulting is done in that way.
Your name, it's not like you're through.
I agree with you. It's not like he is some rare case,
and this is an illustration of corruption.
If you can criticize consulting,
which I would, which they're basically not providing,
you're, you're, you're looking at a resume and who is who?
Like if you want to Harvard, I can criticize the same thing.
If you have Harvard on your resume,
you're more likely to be hired
as a consultant. Maybe there's a network there of people that you know and you hire them
in that same way. If your last name is Biden, there's a lot of last names that sound pretty
good at it. For sure. And so, and it's not like you've admitted that much by the way, right?
An open interview. He was like, if your last name weren't Biden when you got that job
and he's like, probably not. And you're right. And you're right.
I agree with you.
It's not like he's getting a ridiculous amount of money.
He was getting like a pretty standard consulting kind
of money, which also would criticize,
because they get a ridiculous amount of money.
But I sort of even to push back in the lifecycle
or to steal madness, the side that was concerned
about the Hunter by and Laptop's story,
I don't know if there is a natural life cycle of a story
because there's something about the virality of the internet
that we can't predict that a story can just take hold
and the conspiracy around it builds, especially around politics,
where the interpretation, some popular sexy interpretation of a story
that might not be connected to reality
at all will become viral.
And that from Facebook's perspective, probably what they're worried about is an organized
misinformation campaign that makes up a sexy story or sexy interpretation of the vague
story that we have.
And that has an influence on the populace.
I mean, I think that's true,
but I think the question becomes,
who's the greatest adjudicator there?
Right, who adjudicates when the story ought to be allowed
to go through even a bad life cycle
or allowed to go viral as opposed to not?
Now it's one thing if you wanna say,
okay, we can spot the Russian accounts
that are actually promoting this stuff,
they belong to the Russian government,
gotta shut that down.
I think everybody agrees.
This is actually one of the slides that's happened linguistically
that I really object to, is the slide between disinformation
and misinformation.
I noticed there is this evolution, and in 2017,
there's a lot of talk about disinformation.
It was Russian disinformation.
The Russians were putting out the liberately false information
in order to skew election results was the accusation.
And then people started using disinformation or misinformation.
And misinformation, easy to mistake in information
or information that is quote unquote out of context.
That becomes very subjective very quickly
as to what out of context means.
And it doesn't necessarily have to be from a foreign source.
It can be from a domestic source, right?
It could be somebody misinterpreting something here.
It could be somebody interpreting something correctly
by politic fact things that it's out of context.
And that sort of stuff gets very murky very quickly.
And so I'm deeply uncomfortable with the idea
that Facebook, I mean Zuckerberg was on with Rogan
and talking about how the FBI had basically set
look out for Russian interference in the election.
And then all of these people were out there saying
that the laptop was Russian disinformation.
So he basically shut it down.
That sort of stuff is frightening,
especially because it wasn't Russian disinformation.
I mean, the laptop was real.
And so the fact that you have people who seem to, let's put this way, it seems as though,
maybe this is wrong. It seems as though when a story gets killed preemptively like this,
it is almost universally a story that negatively affects one side of the political aisle.
I can't remember the last time there's a story on the right that was disinformation or
misinformation where social media stepped
in and they went, we cannot have this. This cannot be distributed. We're going to all colludes
that this this information is not distributed. Maybe in response to the story being proof false,
it gets taken down. But the what made the Hunter Biden thing so amazing is that it wasn't really
even a response to anything. It was like the story got posted. There were no actual doubts expressed
as to the verified falsity of the story. It was just a supposition that it had to be false and everybody jumped in.
So I think that confirmed a lot of the conspiracy theories people had about about social
media and how it works.
Yeah.
So if the reason you want to slow down the viral spread of a thing is at all grounded in
partisanship, that's a problem.
Like you should be very honest with yourself and ask yourself that question.
Is it because I'm on the left or on the right that I want to slow this down?
Versus, is it hate?
Uh, bipartisan hate speech.
Right, so that's, but it's really, it's really tricky.
Um, but I, like you, I'm very uncomfortable in general with any kind of slow and down,
with any kind of censorship.
But if, if there is something like a conspiracy theory that spreads hate that becomes viral
I still lean to let that conspiracy theory spread
Because the alternative is dangerous and more dangerous
It's sort of like the ring of power right like everybody wants the because with the ring, you can stop the bad guys from going forward.
But it turns out that the ring gives you enormous power
and that power can be used in the wrong ways too.
You had the daily wire, which I'm a member of.
I appreciate that, thank you.
I recommend everybody sign up to it.
It should be part of your regular diet,
whether you're on the left and the right,
the far left or the far right, everybody.
It should be part of your regular diet. Okay, that said, do you're on the left and the right, the far left or the far right, everybody should be part of your regular diet.
Okay, that said, do you worry about the audience capture aspect of it?
Because it is a platform for conservatives, and you have a powerful voice on there.
It might be difficult for you to go against the talking points or against the stream of ideas that is usually
connected to conservative thought.
Do you worry about that?
I mean, the audience would obviously be upset with me and would have a right to be upset
with me if I suddenly flipped all of my positions on a dime.
I have enough faith in my audience that I can say things that I think are true and that
made us agree with the audience, you know, on a fairly regular basis,
I would say. But they understand that on the deeper principle, we're on the same side of the
outlets. I hope that much from the audience. It's also why we provide a number of different views
on the platforms, many of which I disagree with, but are sort of within the generalized range of
conservative thought. And that I, you know, it's something I do have to think about every day, though,
yeah. I mean, you have to, you have to think about like, day. I mean, you have to think about,
am I saying this because I'm afraid of taking off my audience
or am I saying this because I actually believe this?
That's a delicate dance a little bit.
You have to be honest with yourself.
Yeah, somebody like Sam Harris is pretty good at this at fighting.
It's saying the most outrageous thing that he knows, he almost
leans into it. He knows will piss off a lot of his audience. Sometimes you almost have
to test the system. Is that if you feel you almost exaggerate your feelings just to
make sure to send a signal to the audience that you're not captured by them. So speaking of people you disagree with,
what is your favorite thing about canis Owens?
And what is one thing you disagree with her on?
Well, my favorite thing about canis
is that she will say things that nobody else will say.
My least favorite thing about canis
is that she will say things that nobody else will say.
Yeah.
I mean, listen, she says things that are audacious and I think need to be said sometimes.
Sometimes I think that she is morally wrong.
I think the way she responded to Kanye, I've said this clearly, was dead wrong and morally
wrong.
I'd say response.
Her original response was that she profored confusion of what, yeah, it was actually
talking about.
And then she was defending her friend.
I wish that the way that she had responded
was by saying he's my friend. And also he said something bad and anti-Semitic. I wish
that she had said that. Right away. Right away. Yeah. I think you can also, this is
the interesting human thing. You can be friends with people that you disagree with. And you
can be friends with people that actually say hateful stuff. And one of the ways to help alleviate hate is being friends with people that say hateful things.
Yeah, and then calling them out on a personal level when they do say wrong or hateful things.
From a place of love and respect and privately.
Privately is also a big thing, right? I mean, like the public demand for denunciation from friends to
friends is difficult. And I certainly have compassion for Candice giving the fact that
she's so close with the A. Yeah, breaks my heart sometimes. The public fights between
friends and broken friendships. I've seen quite a few friendships publicly break over COVID. COVID made people behave their worst in many cases, which
yeah, breaks my heart a little bit because like the the human connection is a few requisite for
effective debate and discussion and battles over ideas. Has there been any argument from
the opposite political aisle that has made
you change your mind about something? If you look back.
So I will say that the, I'm thinking it through because I think that my views probably
on foreign policy have morphed somewhat. I would say that I was much more interventionist
when I was younger. I'm significantly less interventionist now. I probably give myself
more. Sure, I was a big backer of the Iraq war. I think now in retrospect, I might not
be a backer of the Iraq war if the same situation arose again. Based on the amount of evidence
that had been presented or based on the sort of willingness of the American public to
go at.
If you're gonna get involved in a war,
you have to know what the endpoint looks like,
and you have to know what the American people really are
willing to bear, and the American people are not willing
to bear open-ended occupations.
And so knowing that, you have to consider that going in.
So on foreign policy, I've become a lot more of a,
it's almost Henry Kissinger realist in some ways.
And when it comes to social policy, I would say that I'm fairly strong where I was.
I may have become slightly convinced actually by more the conservative side of the aisle
and things like drug legalization.
I think when I was younger, I was as much more pro drug legalization than I am now, at
least on the local level.
On a federal level, I think the federal government pro drug legalization than I am now, at least on the local level.
On a federal level, I think the federal government can't really do much other than close
the borders with regard to fentanyl trafficking, for example.
But when it comes to how drugs were on local communities, you can see how drugs were on local
communities pretty easily.
Which is weird because I saw you smoke a joint right before this conversation.
It's my biggest thing.
I mean, I tried to keep that secret.
Right.
Well, that's interesting about intervention. Can you come out about the war
in Ukraine? So for me, it's a deeply personal thing. But I think you're able to look at
it from a geopolitics perspective. What is the role of the United States in this conflict
before the conflict during the conflict? And right now in helping achieve peace.
I think before the conflict, the big problem is that the West took almost the worst possible
view, which was encourage Ukraine to keep trying to join NATO and the EU, but don't let
them in.
And so what that does is it achieves the purpose of getting Russia really, really ticked
off and feeling threatened, but also does not give any of the protections of NATO or the
EU to Ukraine.
I mean, Zelensky is on film when he was a comedy actor,
making that exact joke, right?
He has Merkel on the other line and she's like,
oh, welcome to the, welcome to NATO.
And he's like, great, just like, wait,
is this Ukraine on the line?
And whoops, but so, you know, that sort of policy
is sort of nonsensical.
If you're gonna offer alliance to somebody,
offer alliance to them.
And if you're going to guarantee their security, guarantee their security, and
the West failed signally to do that. So that was mistakes in the run-up to the war.
Once the war began, then the responsibility of the West began and became to give Ukraine
as much material as is necessary to repel the invasion. And the West did really well with that.
I think we were late on the ball in the United States.
It seemed like Europe led the way a little bit more than the United States did there.
But in terms of effectuating American interests in the region, which being an American is
what I'm chiefly concerned about.
The American interests were severalfold.
One is preserve borders.
Two is degrade the Russian aggressive military
because Russia's military has been aggressive and they are geopolitical rival of the United
States. Three, recalibrate the European balance with China. Europe was sort of balancing with
Russia and China and then because of the war they sort of rebalanced away from China
and Russia, which is a real geostrategic opportunity for the United States. And seem like
most of those goals have already been achieved at this opportunity for the United States. It seemed like most of those goals have already been achieved
at this point for the United States.
And so then the question becomes, what's the off ramp here?
And what is the thing you're trying to prevent?
So what's the best opportunity?
What's the best case scenario?
What's the worst case scenario?
And then what's realistic?
So best case scenario is Ukraine forces Russia
entirely out of Ukraine, including
Lehanes, and Esk and Crimea.
That's the best case scenario.
Virtually no one thinks that's accomplishable,
including the United States, right?
The White House has basically said as much,
it's still cool to imagine, particularly Kremia,
the Russians being forced out of Kremia.
The Ukrainians have been successful in pushing
the Russians out of certain parts of Lohansk and Dinesk,
but the idea they're gonna be able to push
the entire Russian army completely back to the Russian borders,
that would be at best a very, very long and difficult slog. In the middle of a collapsing Ukrainian economy, which is a
point that Zelensky has made, is like it's not enough for you guys to give us
military aid, we're in the middle of a war, we're gonna need to economic aid as
well. So it's a pretty open-ended and strong commitment.
Can take a small change on that in your best case scenario. If that does
militarily happen, including Crimea, do you think there's a world in which Vladimir Putin would be able
to convince the Russian people that this was a good conclusion to the war?
Right. So the problem is that the best case scenario might also be the worst case scenario,
meaning that there are a couple of scenarios that are sort of the worst case scenario.
And this is sort of the puzzlement of the situation. One is that Putin feels so boxed
in. So unable to go back to his own people and say we just
wasted tens of thousands of lives here for no reason, that he unleashes a tactical nuclear
weapon on the battlefield.
Nobody knows what happens after that.
So we put NATO planes in the air to take out Russian assets, do Russian start shooting
down planes, does Russia then threaten to escalate even further by attacking an actual NATO civilian
center or even new Ukrainian civilian center with nuclear weapons.
Where it goes from there, nobody knows because nuclear weapons haven't been used since
1945.
So that's, you know, that is a worst case scenario.
It's an unpredictable scenario that could evolve into really, really significant problems.
The other worst case scenario could be a best case scenario, it could be a worst we just
don't know is Putin falls.
What happens after that?
Who takes over for Putin?
Is that person more moderate than Putin?
Is that person a liberalizer?
It probably won't be in a volume.
If he's going to be outstead, it will probably somebody who's a top member of Putin's
brass right now and has capacity to control the military, or it's possible that the entire
regime breaks down and what you end up with is Syria and Russia, where you just have an entirely out of control region
with no centralizing power,
which is also a disaster area.
And so in the nature of risk mitigation,
in sort of an attempt at risk mitigation,
what actually should be happening right now
is some off ramp has to be offered to Putin.
The off ramp likely is going to be him maintaining Crimea
and parts of Lohansk and Dinesk. It's probably going to be a commitment by Ukraine not to join NATO formally,
but a guarantee by the West to defend Ukraine in case of an invasion of his borders again by
Russia like an actual treaty obligation, not like the BS treaty obligation and when when
Ukraine gave up its nuclear weapons in the 90s. And that is likely how this is going to have to go.
The problem is that requires political courage, not from Zolansky.
It requires courage from probably Biden because the only, Zolansky is not in a political
position where he can go back to his own people who have made unbelievable sacrifices on
behalf of their nation and freedom and say to them, guys, now I'm calling it quits,
we're going to have to give them a handstand asking to put an offer.
I don't think that's an acceptable answer to most Ukrainians at this point in time from
the polling data and from the available data we have on the ground.
It's going to actually take Biden, biting the bullet and being the bad guy and saying
to Zalinsky, listen, we've made a commitment of material aid.
We were offering you all these things, including essentially a defense pact.
We're offering you all this stuff, but if you don't come to the table, then we're going to have to start weaning you
out. Like there will have to be a stick there. It can't be a carrot. And so that will
allow Zalansky, if Biden were to do that, it would allow Zalansky to blame Biden for the
solution. Everybody knows has to happen. Zalansky can go back to his own people and he
can say, listen, this is the way it has to go. I don't want it to go this way, but it's
not my, I'm signing other people's checks, right?
I mean, like this is, it's not my money.
And Biden would take the hit because he wouldn't then be able
to blame Ukraine for whatever happens next,
which has been the easy road off, I think,
for a lot of politicians in the West.
It's for them to just say, well, this is up to the Ukrainians
to decide.
It's up to the Ukrainians to decide, well, is it totally up
to the Ukrainians to decide?
Because it seems like the West is signing an awful lot of checks and all of Europe is gonna freeze this winter?
so
This is the importance of great leadership by the way. That's why the people we elect is very important
Do you think
Do you think there's power to just one-on-one conversation or buying sista was the and Biden's sista on with Putin almost in person.
Because I, maybe I'm romanticizing the notion, but having done these podcasts in person,
I think there's something fundamentally different than through a remote call and also like a
distant kind of recorded political type speak versus like manda man. So I'm deeply afraid that Putin outplays people
in the one-on-one scenarios
because he's done it to multiple presidents already.
He gets in one-on-one scenarios with Bush,
with Obama, with Trump, with Biden.
And he seems to be a very canny operator
and a very sort of hard-nosed operator
in those situations.
I think that if you were gonna do something like that,
like an actual political face-to-face summit,
what you would need is for Biden to first have a conversation with Zelensky, where Zelensky
knows what's going on, so he's aware.
And then Biden walks in and he says, to Putin on camera, here's the offer, let's get it
together, let's make peace, you get to keep this stuff, and then let Putin respond, have
Putin is going to respond.
But the big problem for Putin, I think, and the problem with public facing for a, maybe
it's a private meeting.
If it's a private meeting, maybe that's the best thing.
If it's a public facing forum, I think it's a problem because Putin is afraid of being
humiliated at this point.
If it's a private meeting, then sure, except that, again, I wonder whether when it comes to a person as
cany as Putin and to a politician that I really don't think is a
particularly sophisticated player in in Joe Biden. And again, this
is not unique to Biden. I think that most of our presidents for
the for the last 30, 40 years have not been particularly sophisticated
players. I think that that's that's a that's a risky scenario.
have not been particularly sophisticated players. I think that that's a risky scenario.
Yeah, I still believe in the power of that,
because otherwise, I don't know, I don't think stuff on paper
and political speak will solve these kinds of problems.
Because from the Zelensky's perspective,
nothing but complete victory will do.
Right.
As a nation, as people sacrificed way too much. And
they're all in. And if you look at it, because I travel to Ukraine, I spend time there,
I'll be going back there, hopefully also going back to Russia, just speaking to Ukrainians,
they're all in. They're all in. Yeah. Nothing but complete victory. Yep, that's right. And so for that, the only way to achieve peace is through like honest human to human conversation,
giving both people a way to off ramp, to walk away victorious.
And some of that requires speaking honestly as a human being, but also for America to the actually not even America.
Honestly, just the president be able to eat their own ego a bit and be the punching bag a little
just enough for both presidents to be able to walk away and say, listen, we got the American
president to come to us. And I think that makes the president look strong now weak.
I mean, I agree with you. I think it would also require some people on the right, people
like me, if it's Joe Biden, to say if Biden does that, I see what he's doing, it's the
right move. I think one of the things that he's afraid of, to steal man him. I think one
of the things he's afraid of is he goes and he makes that sort of deal. And the right
says, you just coward in front of Russia, you just, you just gave away Ukraine, whatever
it is. But, you. But it's going to require
some people on the right to say that that move is the right move and then a whole buy-it,
if Biden actually performs that move. You're exceptionally good at debate. You wrote how
the debate left this and destroyed them. You're kind of known for this kind of stuff. Just
exceptionally skilled the conversation at debate at getting to the facts of the matter
and using logic to get to the conclusion in the debate. Do you ever worry that this power
talked about the ring? This power you were given has corrupted you and your ability to see what's
like to pursue the truth versus just winning debates. I hope not.
I think one of the things that's funny about the branding versus the reality is that most
of the things that get characterized is destroying in debates with fax and logic.
Most of those things are basically me having a conversation with somebody on a college
campus.
It actually isn't like a formal debate where we sit there and we critique each other's
positions or it's not me insulting anybody.
A lot of the clips that have gone very viral is me making an argument, and then they're
not being like an amazing counterargument.
Many of the debates that I've held have been extremely cordial.
I'd take the latest example, like about a year ago, I debated Anna Kasperian from Young
Turks.
It was very cordial, it was very nice, right?
Yeah, that's sort of the way that I like to debate.
My rule when it comes to debate
And or discussion is that my opponent actually gets to pick the mode in which we work
So if it's going to be a debate of ideas and we're just going to discuss and critique and clarify
Then we can do that if somebody comes loaded for bear then I will
Respond in kind Because one of the big problems
I think in sort of the debate slash discussion sphere is very often misdiagnosis of what exactly is going on people who think the discussion is a bait and vice versa.
And that can be a real problem and there are people who will.
You know.
Treat what ought to be a discussion as for example an exercise in performance art.
discussion as, for example, an exercise in performance art. And so what that is, is mugging or trolling or saying troly things in order to just get
to the, like that's something I actually don't do during debate.
I mean, if you actually watch me talk to people, I don't actually do the trolling thing.
The trolling thing is almost solely relegated to Twitter and me making jokes on my show.
When it comes to actually debating people, that sounds actually a lot like what we're doing
right now.
It's just the person maybe taking just an obvious position to mine.
And so that's fine.
Usually half of the debate or discussion is me
just asking for clarification of terms.
Like what exactly do you mean by this?
So I can drill down on where the actual disagreement may
lie because some of the time people think they're disagreeing
and they're actually not disagreeing.
And like when I'm talking with Anna Kasperian
and she's talking about how corporate and government
have too much power together, I'm like,
well, you sound like a tea party.
You're like, you and I are on the same page about that.
That sort of stuff does tend to happen a lot in discussion.
I think that when discussion gets termed debate, it's a problem.
When debate gets termed discussion, it's even more problematic because debate is a different
thing.
And I find that your debate and your conversation is often good faith.
You're able to steal mad on the other side.
You're actually listening.
You're considering the other side.
The times when I see that you know, Ben Shapiro destroys leftists, it's usually just like
you said, the other side is doing the trolling because they've, I mean, the people that do
criticize you for that interaction is the people that usually get destroyed are like 20
years old. They're usually not sophisticated in any kind of degree in terms of being able to use logic
and reason and facts and so on.
That's totally fine by the way.
I mean, if people want to criticize me for speaking on college campuses where a lot of political
conversation happens, both right and left, that's fine.
I mean, I've had lots of conversations with people on the other side of the aisle too.
I mean, right, I've done podcasts with Sam Harris and we've talked about atheism or I've done debates with Anna Kasperian or I've talked to them. I've done debate with Chiang Quigar or I've had lots of conversations with people on the other side of the aisle too. I mean, right, I've done podcasts with Sam Harris and we've talked about atheism or I've
done debates with Anna Kasperian or I've talked to the, I've done debate with Chiang
Quigar or I've, I've had conversations with lots of people on the other side of the aisle.
In fact, I believe I have the only person on the right who recommends that people listen
to his shows on the other side of the aisle, right?
I mean, I say on my show on a fairly regular basis that people should listen to Pods
Ave America.
Now, no one on Pods Ave America will ever say that somebody should listen to my show.
That is verboten.
That is not something that, that can be had. It's one of the strangeness
of our politics. It's what I've called the happy birthday problem, which is I have a
lot of friends who are of the left and are publicly of the left. And on my birthday, they'll
send you a text message, happy birthday, but they will never tweet happy birthday, unless
they be acknowledging that you were born of woman and that this can't be allowed. So
on the Sunday special, I've had a bevy of people who are on the other side of the
aisle. A lot of them are ranging from people in Hollywood like Jason Blum to Larry Wilmore
to Sam, to, you know, just a lot of people on the left. I think we're, we're in the near
future probably going to do a Sunday special with Rokana up in California, the California
Congressperson, very nice guy, had him on the show. That kind of stuff is fun and interesting.
But I think that the easy way out for a clip
that people don't like is to either immediately clip the clip.
I'll take a two minute clip and clip it down
to 15 seconds where somebody insults me
and then echoes viral, which is,
welcome to the internet,
or to say, well, you're only debating colleges,
you're only talking to 20,
I mean, I talked to a lot more people than that.
That's just not the stuff you're watching. You lost your cool in an interview with
BBC's Andrew Neil and you're really honest about it after which was kind of refreshing and enjoyable.
As the internet said, they've never seen anyone lose an interview.
So to me honestly, it was like seeing like, flame-may,
whether junior or somebody like knocked down.
What was the, can you take me to that experience?
Here's that day. That day is, I have a book release,
didn't get a lot of sleep the night before,
and this is the last interview of the day.
And it's an interview with BBC.
I don't know, I think I have a BBC, I don't watch BBC,
I don't know any of the hosts.
So, we get on the interview,
and it's supposed to be about the book.
And the host Andrew
Neil doesn't ask virtually a single question about the book. He just starts reading me
battle tweets, which I hate. I mean, it's annoying and it's stupid. And it's the worst form
of interview when somebody just reads you battle tweets, especially when I've acknowledged
battle tweets before. And so I'm going through the list with him and this interview was solidly 20 minutes. I mean, it was a long interview and we get to and I make a couple of particularly annoyed mistakes in the interview.
So annoyed mistake number one is the ego play, right?
So there's a point in the middle of the interview where I say like I don't even know who you are, which was true.
I didn't know who it was. It turns out he's a very famous person in Britain.
And so you can't make that ego play.
But even if he's not famous, that's not.
It doesn't even, right, it's a dumb thing to do.
And it's an ass thing to do.
So like the, so saying that was, was, you know,
more just kind of peak in silliness.
And so that was, that was mistakes.
I enjoyed watching that.
It was like, oh, but it's human.
Yeah.
That's not, that's not, that's not what I enjoyed it.
So that there is, there is that.
And then the, the other mistake was that I just don't watch enough
British TV.
So the way that interviews are done there are much more
adversarial than American TV.
In American TV, if somebody is adversarial with you,
you assume that they're a member of the other side.
That's typically how it is.
And so I'm critiquing some of his questions at the beginning.
And I thought that the critique of some of his questions
is actually fair.
He's asking me about abortion.
And I thought he was asking it from a way of framing the
question that wasn't accurate.
And so I assumed that he was on the left because again I never heard of him. And so you know I mischaracterized
him and I apologize later for mischaracterizing him. We finally go through the interview it's 20
minutes, he just keeps going with the battle tweets and finally I got up and I took off the microphone
and walked out and immediately I knew it was a mistake like within 30 seconds of the end of the
interview I knew it was a mistake and and that 30 seconds of the end of the interview, I knew it was a mistake.
And that's why even before the interview came out,
I believe I corrected the record that Andrew Neil
is not on the left, that's a mistake by me.
And then took the hit for a bad interview.
And so as far as what I wish I had done differently,
I wish I had known who he was, I wish I had done my research,
I wish that I had treated it as though there was a possibility
that was going to be more adversarial than it was.
I think I was in cautious about the interview
because it was pitched as it's just another book interview
and it wasn't just another book interview.
It was treated much more adversarial than that.
So I wish that that's on me.
I got to research the people who are talking to me
and watch their shows and learn about that.
And then obviously, you know, the kind of gut level appeal to ego or arrogance like that.
That's a bad luck and shouldn't it done that and losing your cool is always a bad look.
So the fact that that sort of became somewhat viral and stood out just shows that it happens so
rarely to you. So just to look at like the day in the life of Ben Shapiro, you
speak a lot very eloquently about difficult topics. What goes into the research that meant
a part and you always look pretty like energetic and like you're not exhausted by the burden,
the heaviness of the topics you're covering day after day after day after day.
So what goes through the preparation?
Mentally, diet wise, anything like that.
Like when do you wake up?
Okay, so I wake up when my kids wake me up.
Usually that's my baby daughter who's two and a half years old.
We are a monitor usually about 6, 15, 6, 20, I am.
So I get up, my wife sleeps in a little bit,
I go get the baby, then my son gets up,
and then my oldest daughter gets up, I've 8, 6 and 2,
the boys, the middle child.
Is that both the source of stress and happiness?
Oh my God, it's the height of both, right?
I mean, it's the source of the greatest happiness.
So the way that I characterize it is this
when it comes to kids in life.
So when you're single, your boundaries of happiness
and unhappiness, you can be a zero in terms of happiness,
you can be like a ten in terms of happiness.
Then you get married and it goes up to like a 20
and a negative 20 because the happiest stuff
is with your life and then the most unhappy stuff
is when something happens to your spouse.
It's the worst thing in the entire world.
Then you have kids and all limits are removed.
So the best things that have ever happened to me are things
where I'm watching my kids and they're playing together
and they're being wonderful and sweet and cute.
I love them so much.
And the worst thing is when my son is screaming
at me for no reason because he's being insane and I have to deal with that, right? I mean,
like, or something bad happens to my daughter at school or something like that. That stuff is
really, so yes, the source of my greatest happiness, the source of my greatest stress. So they
get me up at about 6, 15 in the morning. I feed them breakfast, I'm kind of scrolling the news
while I'm making the megs and, you know, just updating myself on anything that
may have happened overnight. I go into the office, put on the
makeup, and the wardrobe, or whatever. And then I sit down and
do the show. A lot of the prep is actually done the night
before because the new cycle doesn't change all that much
between kind of late at night and in the morning, so I can supplement in the morning. So I do the show.
So a lot of the preparation,
I think, through what are the big issues in the world
is done the night before?
Yeah, I mean, and that's reading, you know,
pretty much all the legacy media.
So I rip on legacy media a lot,
but that's because a lot of what they do is really good
and a lot of what they do is really bad.
I cover a lot of legacy media.
So that's probably covering, you know,
Wall Street Journal, New York Times,
Washington Post, Boston Globe, Daily Mail,
and then I'll look over at some of the alternative media, I'll look at my York Times, Washington Post, Boston Globe, Daily Mail.
And then I'll look over at some of the alternative media, I'll look at my own website, Daily Wire, I'll look at Bright Bar,
I'll look at the Blaze, I'll look at maybe the Intercept,
I'll look at a bunch of different sources.
And then I will look at different clips online.
So media, I come in handy here,
Gregian comes in handy here.
That sort of stuff, because my show relies very heavily
on being able to play people, so you can hear them in their own words. And so that's sort of the media die. So I sit down,
I do the show, and then once I'm done with the show, I usually have between, now it's like 11,
15 in the morning maybe, because sometimes I'll pre-record the show. So it's 11, 15 in the morning.
I'll go home, and if my wife is available, I'll
grab lunch with her. If not, then I will go and work out. I try to work out like five
times a week with a trainer, something like that. And then I will just say good gym
stuff, just start the gym. Yeah, weights and and plyometrics and some crossfit kind of
stuff. And yeah, I mean, beneath this, beneath this mildly,
I was a hulking monster.
And so I'll do that.
Then I'll do reading and writing.
So I'll usually working on a book at any given time.
Or you shut off the rest of the world.
Yes.
So I put some music in my ears, usually Brahms or Bach.
Sometimes Beethoven or Mozart, those four.
Those are on rotation.
No rap.
No rap.
No rap.
Despite my extraordinary rendition of WAP, I'm not in fact a rapper.
Do you still hate WAP?
The song.
I will say, I do not think that it is the peak of Western civilized art.
Okay.
I don't think that 100 years from now people will be gluing their faces to a weapon protest at the environment. But Brahms and the rest will
be still around. Yes, I would assume if people still have a functioning prefrontal cortex and any
sort of taste. Strong words from Ben Shapiro. All right, so you got some classical music in your ears
and you're focusing. Are you at the computer when you're writing? Yeah, I'm at the computer.
Usually we have a kind of a room that has some sun coming in,
so it's nice in there, or I'll go up to a library
that we just completed for me, so I'll go up there,
and I'll write and read.
Like with physical books?
Yeah, I love physical books.
Because I keep Sabbath, I don't use Kindle.
Because when I'm reading a book and I hit Sabbath,
I have to turn off the Kindle, so that means
that I have tons and tons and tons
of physical books.
When you move from Los Angeles to Florida,
I had about 7,000 volumes.
I had to discard probably 4,000 of them.
And then I've built that back up now.
So I'm probably gonna have to go through another round
where I put them somewhere else.
I tend to tab books rather than highlighting them
because I can't highlight on Sabbath.
So I have the little stickers and I put them in the book.
So a typical book from me, you can see it on the book club, will be like filled with tabs on the side,
things that I want to take. Now actually, I got a person who I pay to go through and write
down in files, the quotes that I've that I like from the book. So I have those handy.
So which is a good way for me to remember what it is that I've read, because I read probably some routine,
three and five bucks a week,
and then the, in a good week, five.
And then I write, I read,
and then I go pick up my kids from school at 3.30.
So according to my kids, I have no job.
I'm there in the mornings until they leave for school.
I pick them up from school.
I hang out with them until they go to bed,
which is usually 7.30 or so. So I'm helping them with their homework and I'm playing with them and I'm taking them on
rides in the brand new Tesla, which my son is obsessed with. And then I put them to bed and then I
sit back down, I prep for the next day, go through all those media sources, I was talking about compile,
kind of a schedule for what I want the show to look like and run a show. It's very detailed oriented,
nobody writes anything for me, I write all my own stuff.
So everywhere that comes out of my mouth is my fault.
And then hopefully I have a couple hours
to or an hour to hang out with my wife
before we go to the show.
The words you write do you edit a lot?
Or just come out, you're thinking like,
what are the key ideas I want to express?
No, I don't tend to edit a lot.
So I thank God I'm able to write extraordinarily quickly.
So I write very, very fast.
In fact, in a previous life, I was...
You also speak fast, so it's similar.
Yeah, exactly.
And I speak in paragraphs.
So it's exactly the same thing.
In a previous life, I was a ghost writer.
So I used to be sort of known as a turnaround specialist
in the publishing industry.
And it would be somebody who came to the publisher
and says, I have three weeks to get this book done.
I don't have a word done. And they would call me up, I have three weeks to get this book done.
I don't have a word done.
And they would call me up and be like, this person needs a book written.
And so in three weeks, I'd knock out 60,000 words or so.
Because there's something you can say to the process that you've followed to think, like
how you think about ideas, like, you, stuff is going on in the world and trying to understand
what is happening.
What are the explanations, what are the forces
behind this? Do you have a process or just you wait for the muse to give you the interpretation
of it?
Well, I mean, I think that I don't think it's a formal process, but because I read, so
there's two ways to do it. One is sometimes, you know, sometimes the daily grind of the
news is going to refer back to core principles
that are broader and deeper. So I thank God because I've read so much on so many different
things of a lot of different point of views. Then if something breaks, a piece of news
breaks, I can immediately sort of channel that into in the mental role at X, these three
big ideas that I think are really important and then I can talk at length about what those ideas are,
and I can explicate those.
And so, for example, when we were talking about
must taking over Twitter before,
and I immediately go to the history of media,
that's me tying it into a broader theme.
Yeah.
And I would say fairly frequently,
what we're talking about, say, subsidization of industry. I can immediately
tie that into, okay, what's the history of subsidization in the United States, going all
the way back to Woodrow Wilson and forward through FDR's industrial policy and how does
that tie into sort of broader economic policy and so on. So it allows me to tie into bigger
themes because what I tend to read is mostly not news, what I tend to read is mostly books.
I would say most of my media diet is actually not the stuff.
Like that's the icing on the cake,
but the actual cake is the hundreds of pages
in history, econ, geography that I'm social science
that I'm reading every week.
And so that sort of stuff allows me to think more deeply
about these things.
So that's one way of doing it.
The other way of doing it is Russia breaks in the news. I don't know anything about Russia. I immediately go and I purchase
five books about Russia and I read all of them. One of the unfortunate things about our
... The fortunate thing for me and the unfortunate thing about the world is that in the
unfortunate thing about the world is that you read two books on a subject. You are now
considered by the media and expert on the subject. That's sad and shallow, but that is the way
that it is. The good news for me is that my job isn't to be a full expert on the subject. So that's, you know, sad and shallow, but that is the way that it is.
The good news for me is that my job isn't to be a full expert on any of these subjects
and I don't claim to be, right?
I'm not a Russia expert.
I know enough on Russia to be able to understand when people talk about Russia, what the system
looks like, how it works and all of that, and then to explicate that for the common man,
which a lot of people who are infused with the expertise can't really do.
If you're so deep in the weeds that you're like a full-on, academic expert on a thing,
sometimes it's hard to translate that over to a massive audience,
which is really my job.
Well, I think it can actually, it's funny,
with the two books, you can actually get a pretty deep understanding
if you read and also think deeply about it.
It allows you to approach a thing from first principles.
A lot of times, if you're a quote-unquote expert,
you get carried away by the momentum of
what the field has been thinking about versus like stepping back.
All right, what is really going on?
The challenge is to pick the right two books.
Right.
So that's usually what I'll try to find is somebody who knows the topic pretty well and
have them recommend or a couple people and have them recommend books.
So a couple of years ago, I knew nothing about Bitcoin.
I was at a conference and a couple of people
who you've had on your show actually were there
and I asked them, give me your top three books on Bitcoin.
And so then I went and I read like nine books on Bitcoin.
And so if you read nine books on Bitcoin,
you at least know enough to get by.
Yeah.
And so I can actually explain what Bitcoin is and why it works
or why it doesn't work in some cases
and what's happening in the markets that way.
So that's very, very helpful.
Well, Putin is an example.
That's a difficult one to find the right books on.
I think the news is that the one I read where was the most objective.
When I read it, I think about Putin was one called Strong Man.
It was very highly critical of Putin, but it gave like a good background on him.
Yeah, so I'm very skeptical sort of things that are very critical of Putin because it feels like
there's activism injected into the history. Like the way the rise and fall of the third Reich
is written about Hitler, I like because there's almost not a criticism of Hitler. It's a description of Hitler, which is very,
it's easier to do about a historical figure,
which with William Shire, with the rise of all the Therryk,
it's impressive because he lived through it.
But it's very tough to find objective descriptions
about the history of the man and a country of Putin,
of Zelensky, of any difficult, Trump is the same.
And I feel like... Everybody that's the hero of villainensky, of any difficult, Trump is the same.
And I feel like-
That's the hero villain archetype, right?
And it's like, either somebody's completely a hero
or a completely a villain.
And the truth is, pretty much no one
is completely a hero or completely a villain.
People, in fact, I'm not sure that I love descriptions
of people as heroes are villains generally.
I think that people tend to do heroic things
or do villainous things.
And the same way that I'm not sure I love descriptions
of people as a genius, my dad used to say, that's when I was growing up, he used to say, they do heroic things or do villainous things. In the same way that I'm not trying to love descriptions of people as a genius,
my dad used to say this and I was growing up, he used to say, they didn't believe that there
were geniuses. He said he believed that there were people with a genius for something.
Because people, yes, there are people who are very high-accuents, we call them geniuses,
but does that mean that they're good at EQ stuff, not necessarily, but they're people who are
geniuses at EQ stuff. In other words, it would be more specific to say that somebody is a genius
at engineering than to say just broad spectrum there are genius and that does avoid
the problem of thinking that they're good at something that they're not good at, right?
It's a little more specific.
So because you read a lot of books, can you look back? It's always a tough question because
so many is like your favorite song. But are there books that have been influential on your
life that impact in your thinking or maybe once you go back to that,
that still carry insight for you.
The Federalist Paper is a big one in terms of sort of how American politics works.
The first econ book that I thought was really great because it was written for teenagers,
essentially, is one called Economics and One Lesson by Henry Haslet.
It's like 150 pages.
I recommended to everybody sort of 15 and up.
It's easier than, say, Thomas Holts basic econ, which is four or 500 pages. And it's looking like macro economics micro
economics stuff macro. And then in terms of there's a great book by Carl Truman called
Rise and Triumph of the Modern Self, which I think is the best book of the last 10 years.
That's been sort of impactful on some of the thoughts I've been having lately.
What's the key idea in there? The key idea is that we've shifted the nature of how identity is done in the West from how it's historically done.
That basically for nearly all of human history, the way that we identify as human beings is as a mix of our biological drives
and then how that interacts with the social institutions around us.
And so when you're a child, you're a bunch of unfettered biological drives and it's your parents job to civilize you and civilize you literally means bring you into civilization, right? You learn
the rules of the road, you learn how to integrate into institutions that already exist and are
designed to shape you. And it's how you interact with those institutions that makes you you.
It's not just a set of biological drives. And then in the modern world, we've really driven toward
the idea that what we are is how we feel on the inside without reference to the outside world, and it's the job of the outside world to celebrate
and reflect what we think about ourselves on the inside.
And so what that means is that we are driven now toward fighting institutions, because institutions
are in positions.
So everything around us, societal institutions, these are things that are crimping our style.
They're making us not feel the way that we want to feel, and if we just destroy those
things, then we'll be freer and more liberated.
And I think it's a much deeper model of how to think about why our social politics,
particular, moving in a particular direction, is that a ground shift has happened and how
people think about themselves.
And this has had some somewhat kind of shocking effects in terms of social politics.
So there's negative consequences in your view of that, but is there also a positive consequence
of more power, more agency to the individual?
I think that you can make the argument that institutions were weighing to heavily in
how people formed their identity, but I think that what we've done is gone significantly
to far on the other side.
We basically decided to blow up the institutions in favor of unfettered feeling slash identity.
And I think that that is not only a large mistake.
I think it's going to have diorama vacations for everything from suicidal ideation to institutional
longevity in politics and in society more broadly.
So speaking about the nature of self, you've been an outspoken proponent of pro life. Can you can we start by you trying to steal man the case for
pro choice that abortion is not murder and a woman's right to choose as a fundamental human
right freedom. So I think that the the only way to steal man the pro-choice case is to, and be ideologically consistent, is to suggest
that there is no interest in the life of the unborn that counterways at all, freedom of
choice. So what that means is, we can take the full example, we can take the partial example.
So if we take the full example, what that would mean is that up until point of birth,
which is sort of the democratic party platform
position, that there is that a woman's right to choose ought to extend for any reason whatsoever,
up to point of birth. The only way to argue that is that bodily autonomy is the only factor.
There is no countervailing factor that would ever outweigh bodily autonomy. That would
be the strongest version of the argument. Another version of that argument would be that the reason that bodily autonomy ought to
weigh so heavily is because women can't be the equals of men if the
the institutes of biology are allowed to decide their futures.
Right? If the if pregnancy changes women in a way that doesn't change men, it's a form of sex
discrimination for women to ever have to go through with pregnancy, which is an argument that
was made by Ruth Bader Ginsburg.
Those are the arguments.
The kind of softer version is the more, I would say, emotionally resonant version of the
argument, which is that bodily autonomy ought to outweigh the interests of the fetus
up till point X. And then people have different feelings about what point X looks like.
Is it up to the point of viability?
Is it up to the point of the heartbeat?
Is it up to 12 weeks or 15 weeks?
And that really is where the American public is, where the American public is, broadly speaking,
not state by state, where there are really, really, very opinions.
But like broadly speaking, it seems like the American public by pulling data on somewhere
between a 12 and 15 week abortion restriction.
And they believe that up until 12 or 15 weeks, there's not enough there to not be specific
but to be kind of how people feel about it, to outweigh a woman's bodily autonomy.
And then beyond that point, then there's enough of an interest in the life of the preborn
child.
It's developed enough.
Then now we care about it enough that it outweighs a woman's bodily autonomy.
What's the strongest case for pro life in your mind?
I mean, the strongest case for pro life is that from conception, a human life has been
created.
It is a human life with potential.
That human life potential with potential now has an independent interest in its own existence.
If I may just ask a quick question.
So conception is when a sperm fertilizes a egg.
Yes.
Okay.
Just to clarify the biological beginning of a concession means.
I mean, because that is the beginning of human life.
Now, there are other standards that people have drawn, right?
Some people say implantation in the uterus.
Some people will suggest viability, some brain development or heart development, but the
clear dividing line between a human life exists and a human life does not exist is the
biological creation of an independent human life with Sony and a strands and etc. which happens at
conception. Once you acknowledge that there is that independent human life with potential
and I keep calling it that because people sometimes say potential human life, it's not
a potential human life. It's a human life that is not developed yet to the full extent
that it will develop. Once you say that and once you say that it has its own interest, now the burden of proof
is to explain why bodily autonomy ought to allow for the snuffing out of that human life,
if we believe that human life ought not to be killed for no good reason.
You have to come up with a good reason.
The burden of proof is now shifted.
Now we'll find people who will say, well, the good reason is that it's not sufficiently developed outweigh the mental trauma or emotional trauma that a woman
goes through, if for example, she was raped or the victim of incest. And that is a fairly
emotionally resonant argument, but it's not necessarily despositive. You can make the
argument that just because something horrific and horrible happened to a woman does not
rob the human life of its interest in life.
One of the big problems in trying to draw any line for the self-interest of life in the
human life is that it's very difficult to draw any other line that doesn't seem somewhat arbitrary.
If you say that independent heartbeat, well, people have pacemakers. If you say brain function,
people have various levels of brain function as adults.
If you say viability, babies are not viable after they are born.
If I left a newborn baby on a table and did not take care of it, it would be dead in
two days.
So, one once you start getting into these lines, it starts to get very fuzzy very quickly.
So, if you're looking for a bright line moral rule, that would be the bright line moral
rule. That's the sort of the per life case.
Well, there's still mysterious, difficult scientific questions of things that consciousness.
So what do you, does the question of consciousness, how does it come into play into this debate?
So I don't believe that consciousness is the sole criterion by which we judge the
self-interest in human life. So we are unconscious, a good deal of our lives.
That does not, we will be conscious again, right? When you're unconscious, when you're asleep, for example, presumably your life is still worth living. If somebody came in and killed you,
that'd be a serious moral quandary, at the very least. But the birth of consciousness,
that'd be a serious moral quandary at the very least. But the birth of consciousness, the lighting up of the flame,
the initial lighting of the flame,
there doesn't need to be something special about that.
And it's a mystery of when that happens.
Well, I mean, Peter Surner makes the case
that basically self-consciousness doesn't exist
until you're two and a half.
Right, so he says that even in fantasy side should be okay.
He's a bioethicist over a Princeton.
So you get in some real dicey territory
once you get into consciousness.
Also the truth is the consciousness is more of a spectrum
than it is a dividing line,
meaning that there are people with various degrees
of brain function.
We don't actually know how conscious they are.
And you can get into the genetic territory pretty quickly.
When we start dividing between lives that are worth living
based on levels of consciousness
and lives that are not worth living based on levels of consciousness and lives
They're not worth living based on levels of consciousness. Do you find it?
the the aspect of
women's freedom
Do you feel the tension between that ability to choose?
The trajectory of your own life versus
the the rights of the unborn child in
One situation doesn't one situation, as in one situation, no.
If you've had sex with a person voluntarily, and as a product of that, you are now pregnant,
no.
You've taken an action with a perfectly predictable result.
Even if you took birth control, this is the way that human beings are procreated for
literally all of human existence, and by the way, also how all mammals procreate.
So the idea that this was an entirely unforeseen consequence of your activity, I find I have
less sympathy for you in that particular situation because you could have made decisions
that would not led you to this particular impasse.
In fact, this used to be the basis of merit, right?
When we were a apparently more terrible society, we used to say that people should wait
until they get married to have sex, a position that I still hold.
And the reason for that was because then if you have sex and you produce a child, then
the child will grow up in a two-parent family with stability.
So you know, they, not a ton of sympathy there when it comes to rape and incest, obviously
heavy, heavy sympathy.
And so that's why I think you see statistically speaking, a huge percentage of Americans,
including many pro-life Americans, people who consider themselves pro-life would consider exceptions for rape and incest.
One of the sort of dishonest things that I think happens in abortion debates is arguing
from the fringes.
This tends to happen a lot.
His pro-choice activists will argue from rape and incest to the other 99.8% of abortions,
or you'll see people on the pro-life side argue from partial birth abortion to all of abortion.
You actually have to take on sort of the mainstream case and then decide whether or not that's
acceptable or not.
But do you have the exception just ethically without generalizing it that is a valid ethically
exception?
I don't hope that there should be an exception for rape or incest because again I hope
by the bright line rule that once a human life with potential exists then it has its own
interest in life that cannot be curbed by your self-interest.
The only exception that I hope I is the same exception that literally all part of life
is hope I which is the life of the mother is put in danger.
It's such a tough topic because if you believe that that's the line, then we're committing
mass murder.
Well, or at least mass killing.
So I would say that murder typically requires
a level of mens rea that may be absent in many cases of abortion. Because the usual follow-on
question is, well, if it's a murder, why don't you prosecute the woman? And the answer
is because the vast majority of people who are having abortions don't actually believe
that they're killing a person. They have a very different view of what is exactly happening.
So I would say that there are sorts of interesting hypotheticals that come in to play
when it comes to abortion, and you can play them any which way.
But levels, let's put it this way, there are gradations of wrongs.
I don't think that all abortions are equally blameworthy, even if I would ban virtually all of them.
I think that they're mitigating circumstances
that make well-being wrong.
Some abortions less morally blame-worthy than others.
I think that I can admit a difference
between killing a two-week-old embryo in the womb
and stabbing a seven-year-old in the face.
I can recognize all that while still saying I think that it would be wrong to terminate
a pregnancy.
Do you think the question of one life begins, which I think is a fascinating question?
Is a question of science or a question of religion?
One life begins as a question of science.
When that life becomes valuable enough for people to want to protect it, is going to be
a question that is beyond science.
Science doesn't have moral judgments to make about the value of human life.
This is one of the problems that Sam Harrison,
I've had this argument many times
and it's always kind of interesting.
Because Sam is of the opinion that you can get to
ought from is, that science says is,
therefore we can learn to ought.
So human flourishing is the goal of life.
And I always say to him,
I don't see where you get that from evolutionary biology.
And you can assume it, just say you're assuming it,
but don't pretend that that is a conclusion
that you can draw straight from biological reality itself.
Because obviously that doesn't exist in the animal world,
for example, nobody assumes the innate value of every ant.
I think I know your answer to this, but let's test it,
because I think you're going to be wrong.
So there's a robot behind you.
Do you think there will be a time in the future when it will be unethical and illegal to
kill a robot because they will have sentience?
My guess is you would say no, Lex, there's a fundamental difference between humans and robots
and I just want to get you on record because I think you'll be wrong.
I mean, it depends on the level of development
I would assume of the robots.
I mean, you're assuming a complexity in the robots
that eventually imitates what we in the religious life
would call the human soul.
The ability to choose freely, for example,
which I believe is sort of the capacity for human beings.
The ability to suffer.
Yeah. If all of that could be proved and not programmed,
meaning the freely-willed capacity of a machine to do X, Y, or Z, you could not pinpoint exactly
where it happens in the program. Right. Yeah. It's not deterministic. Yeah. Then it would
raise serious moral issues, for sure.
I'm not trying to answer that question.
Are you afraid of that time?
I'm not sure I'm afraid of that time.
I mean, it's any more than I'd be afraid of failions arrived in the world and had these
characteristics.
Well, there's just a lot of moral complexities and they don't necessarily have to be in
the physical space.
They can be in the digital space.
There's an increased sophistication and number of bots
on the internet, including on Twitter,
as they become more and more intelligence,
there's going to be serious questions about
what is our moral duty to protect ones that have
or claim to have an identity.
And that'll be really interesting.
Actually, what I'm afraid of is the opposite happening,
meaning that people, the worst that should happen is that we develop robots so sophisticated that they appear to have
free will, and then we treat them with human dignity.
That should be the worst that happens.
What I'm afraid of is the opposite is that if we're talking about this particular hypothetical,
that we develop robots that have all of these apparent abilities, and then we dehumanize
them, which leads us to also dehumanize the other humans around us, which you could easily
see happening.
And the devaluation of life to the point where it doesn't really,
I mean, people have always treated, unfortunately,
newly discovered other humans this way.
So I don't think this actually a new problem.
I think it's a pretty old problem.
It'll just be interesting when it's made of human hands.
Yeah, it's an opportunity to celebrate humanity
or to
Bring out the worst in humanity
So the derision that naturally happens that you said with pointing out the other let me ask you about climate change
There's a let's go from the meme to the to the profound
Philosophy, okay, the meme is there's a clip of you talking about climate change and saying that. Ah, the aquaman meme.
You said that for the sake of argument, if the water level rises five to ten feet in the
next hundred years, people will just sell their homes and move.
And then the meme is, sell to who?
Can you argue both sides of that?
The argument that they're making is the straw man.
The argument that I'm making is over time.
I don't mean that if a tsunami is about to hit your house, you can list it on eBay.
That's not what I mean, obviously.
What I mean is that human beings have an extraordinary ability
to adapt, it's actually our best quality,
and that as water levels rise, real estate prices
in those areas tend to fall.
That over time, people tend to abandon those areas.
They tend to leave.
They tend to, right now, sell their houses,
and then they tend to move.
And eventually, those houses will be worthless,
and you won't have anybody to sell to,
but presumably not that many people will be living there
by that point, which is one of the reasons
why the price would be low, because there's no demand.
So it's over a hundred years,
so all of these price dynamics are very gradual,
relative to the other price dynamics.
Correct.
That's why the joke of it, of course, is that,
like, I'm saying that tomorrow,
there's a tsunami on your source step,
and you're like, oh, bobble Bob will buy my house, Bob being kind
of by your house.
Like, we all get that, but it's a funny mate.
I'm on the left at it.
How is your view on climate change, the human of contribution to climate change?
What was she doing in terms of policy to respond to climate change?
How's that changed over the years?
I would say the truth is for years and years, I've believed that climate change was a reality
in that anthropogenic climate change is a reality.
I don't argue with the IPCC estimates.
I know climatologists at places like MIT or Caltech
and they know this stuff better than I do.
So the notion that climate change is just not happening
or that human beings have not contributed to climate change,
I find doubtful.
The question is to what extent human beings are contributing to climate change?
That 50% is at 70% is at 90%.
I think there's a little bit more play in the joints there,
so it's not totally clear.
The one thing I do know, and this I know with factual accuracy,
is that all of the measures that are currently being proposed
are unworkable and will not happen.
So when people say, parent climate,
Paris climate accords, even if those were imposed,
you're talking about lowering the potential trajectory of climate change by a fraction of a degree. If you're
talking about the, if you're talking about, you know, green new deal, net zero by 2050,
the carbon is up there in the air and the climate change is going to happen. Also, you're assuming
that geopal, that geopolitical dynamics don't exist. So everybody is going to magically
get on the same page and we're're all gonna be imposing massive carbon taxes
to get to net zero by 2050.
I mean, like hundreds of times higher than they currently are.
And that's not me saying, that's Clash Schwab saying this,
of the world economic forum,
who's a big advocate of exactly this sort of policy.
And the reality is that we're gonna have to accept
that at least 1.5 degrees Celsius of climate change
is baked into the cake by the end of the century.
Again, not me talking, we'll ignore it house,
the economist, who just won the Nobel Prize
in this stuff talking.
And so what that suggests to me is what we've always known.
Human beings are crap at mitigation and excellence in adaptation.
All right, we are very bad at mitigating our own fault.
We are very, very good at adapting to the problems as they exist, which means that all
of the estimates that billions will die, that there will be mass starvation, that we'll
see the migration in just a few years
of hundreds of millions of people, those are wrong.
What you'll see is a gradual change of living,
people will move away from areas that areundated
on the coast, you'll see people building seawalls,
you'll see people adapting new technologies
to suck carbon out of the air,
you'll see geoengineering, and this is the sort of stuff
that we should be focused on,
and the sort of bizarre focus on, what if we just keep tossing hundreds of billions of
dollars at the same three technologies over and over, and the hopes that if we subsidize
it, this will magically make it more efficient.
I've seen no evidence whatsoever that that is going to be the way that we get ourselves
out of this.
And the necessity being the mother of invention, I think human beings will adapt because
we have adapted and we will continue to adapt.
So to the degree we invest in the threat of this, it should be into the policies that help
with the adaptation versus the mitigation. Right. C-walls, geoengineering, developing
technologies that carbon out of the air. Again, if I thought that there was more sort of hope for
the green technologies currently in play, then subsidization of those technologies might be a
little bit more for, but I haven't seen tremendous progress over the course of the last 30 years
in the reliability of, for example, wind energy
or the ability to store solar energy
to the extent necessary to actually power a grid.
What's your thoughts on nuclear energy?
Nuclear energy is a proven source of energy
and we should be radically extending
the use of nuclear energy.
To me, honestly, this is like a litmus test question
as to whether you take climate change seriously.
If you're on right or left and you take climate change
seriously, you should be in favor of nuclear energy.
If you are not, I know that you're just,
you have other priorities.
Yeah, the fascinating thing about the climate change debate
is the dynamics of the fear mongering
over the past few decades.
Because the nuclear energy was tied up into that somehow.
There's a lot of fear about nuclear energy.
It seems like there's a lot of social phenomena, social dynamics involved, versus dealing
with just science.
It's interesting to watch.
If I'm my darker days, it makes me cynical about our ability to use reason and science
to deal with the threats of the world.
I think that our ability to use reason and science to deal with threats of the world is
almost a time frame question.
So I think that we're, again, we're very bad at looking down the road and saying, you know,
because people can't handle, for example, even things like compound interest.
Yeah.
I like the idea that if I put a dollar in the bank today that 15 years from now, that's
going to be worth a lot more than a dollar, people can't actually see that.
And so the idea of, let's first see a problem, then we'll deal with it right now as opposed
to 30 years down the road.
Hmm.
Typically, we let the problem happen and then we solve it.
And it's bloodier and worse than it would have been if we had solved it 30 years ago.
But it is, in fact, effective.
And sometimes it turns out the solution that we're proposing 30 years in advance is not effective.
And that's that's a that can be a major problem as well.
Well, that's then to still man the case for fear mongering,
for irrational fear mongering, we need to be scared,
shitless in order for us to do anything.
So that's that, you know, I'm generally against that,
but maybe on a population scale, maybe some of that is necessary
for us to respond appropriate for long to long term-term threats, we should be scared, jealous.
I don't think that we can actually do that though.
Like, first of all, I think that it's,
it's platonic lies are generally bad.
And then second of all, I don't think that we actually
have the capacity to do this.
I think that the people who are, you know,
the sort of elites of our society who get together
in rooms and talk about this sort of stuff,
and I've been in some of those meetings,
at my synagogue, Friday night, actually, no, but I like it.
But I'll make the joke when I'm glad you did.
Yeah, I've been in rooms, Davos like rooms.
And when people discuss these sorts of topics,
and they're like, what if we just tell people
that it's gonna be a disaster with tsunamis
and day after tomorrow?
It's like, you guys don't have that power.
You don't.
And by the way, you dramatically undercut your own power
because of COVID to do this sort of stuff. Because a lot of the sort of, what if we scare the living hell't. And by the way, you'd randomly undercut your own power because of COVID to do this
sort of stuff. Because a lot of the sort of, what if we
scare the living hell out of you to the point where you stay in
your own house for two years, and we tell you you can't send
your kids to school. And then we tell you that the vaccine is
going to prevent transmission. And then we also tell you that
we need to spend $7 trillion in one year and won't have any
inflationary effect. And it turns out you're wrong. I'm
literally all of those things. The last few years have done more to undermine institutional trust
than any time in probably American history. It's pretty amazing. Yeah, I tend to agree with the only
thing we have to fear is fear itself. Let me ask you back to the question of God and a big
ridiculous question. Who's God? Who is God? So I'm going to use sort of the Aquinas formulation of what God is, right?
That if there is a cause of all things, not physical things, if there is a cause underlying
the reason of the universe, then that is the thing we call God.
So not a big guy in the sky of the beard.
You know, like he is the the force underlying the logic of the universe. If there is a logic
to the universe, and he is the creator in the Judea of that universe, and he does have an
interest in us living in accordance with the laws of the universe that
if your religious Jew are encoded in the Torah, but if you're not a religious Jew,
it would be encoded in the natural law by sort of Catholic theology.
Why do you think God created the universe? Or as is popularly asked, what do you think is the
meaning behind it? What's the meaning of life? What's the meaning of life? So I think that the meaning of life is to
fulfill what God made you to do, and that is a series of roles. I think that human beings, and here you have to look to
sort of human nature rather than looking kind of to big questions. I've evolved something that I've really been working on,
you know, and I'm writing a book about this actually, that I call colloquially role theory.
And basically, the idea is that the way that we interact
with the world is through a series of roles.
And those are also the things we find most important
and most implementable.
And there's sort of virtue ethics,
which suggests that if we act in accordance with virtue,
like Aristotle, then we will be living the most fulfilled and meaningful life
and then you have sort of
deontological effects like content effects that it's a rule-based effect.
We follow the rules, then you'll find the meaning of life.
And then what I'm proposing is that there's something that I would call role ethics, which is there are series of roles that we play across our lives,
which are also the things that we tend to put on our tombstones and find the most meaningful.
So when you go to a cemetery,
you can see what people found the most meaningful
because it's the stuff they put on the stone
that has like four words on it, right?
They like beloved father, beloved mother, sister, brother,
and you might have a job once in a while,
a creator, a religious person, right?
These are all roles that have existed across societies
and across humanity, and those are the things where we actually find meaning. And the way that we navigate
those roles brings us meaning. And I think that God created us in order to fulfill those
roles for purposes that I can't begin to understand because I am Him. And the more we recognize
those roles and the more we live those roles, and then we can express
freedom within those roles.
I think that the liberty exists inside each of those roles, and that's what makes all of
our lives different and fun.
We all parents in different ways, but being a parent is a meaningful role.
We all have spouses, but how you interact that relationship is what makes your life meaningful
and interesting.
That is what we were put on Earth to do.
If we perform those roles properly,
and those roles do include things like being a creator,
like we have a creative instinct as human beings,
being a creator, or being an innovator,
being a defender of your family,
being a social member of your community,
which is something that we're built to do.
If we fulfill those roles properly,
then we will have made the world a better place
than we inherited it.
And we also have had the joy of experiencing
the sort of flow they talk about in psychology where when you engage in these roles you actually
do feel a flow. So these roles are a fun method part of the human condition. Yes. So you're
the book you're working on is constructing a system to help us understand. It's looking at,
let's assume that all that's true.
The real question of the book is,
how do you construct a flourishing
and useful society in politics?
Ah, so a society level.
If this is on understanding of a human being,
how do we construct a good society?
Right, exactly.
Because I think that a lot of political theory
is right now based in either J.S. Mill kind of thought, which is all that a lot of political theory is right now based in either JS Mill kind of thought,
which is all that a good politics does, the last you wave your hand around until you hit
somebody in the face, or a Rawlsian thought, which is what if we constructed society in
order to achieve the most for the least essentially?
What if we constructed society around what actually makes humans the most fulfilled, and
that is the fulfillment of these particular roles? and where does liberty come into that right how do you avoid the idea of a tyranny and that how do you have to be a mother you must be a father you must be a where does where does freedom come into that can you reject those roles totally as a society and be okay the answer probably is not
new society that actually
promotes and and protects those roles but also protects the freedom inside those roles.
And that raises a more fundamental question
of what exactly liberty is for.
And I think that both the right and the left actually
tend to make a mistake when they discuss liberty.
The left tends to think the liberty is an ultimate good
that simple choice makes a bad thing good,
which is not true.
And I think the right talks about liberty
in almost the same terms sometimes.
And I think that's not true either. The question is whether liberty is of inherent value or instrumental
value. Is liberty good in and of itself or is liberty good because it allows you to achieve
x, y or z. And I've thought about this one a lot. I tend to come down on the latter side
of the aisle. I mean, this is a USME area is where I move. This may be an area where I've
moved. Is that I think when you think more shallowly about holostics or maybe more quickly,
because this is how we talk in America
is about liberties and rights.
We tend to think that the right is what make,
not like the political right, rights make things good.
Liberties make things good.
The question really is what are those rights
and liberties for?
Now, you have to be careful so that that doesn't shade
into tyranny, right?
You can only have liberty to do the thing
that I say that you can do.
But there have to be spheres of liberty that are roiling and interesting and filled with debate,
but without threatening the chief institutions that surround those liberties. Because if you
destroy the institutions, the liberties will go to. If you knock down the pillars of the society,
the liberties that are on top of those pillars are going to collapse. And I think that that's
if people are feeling as though we're on the verge of tyranny, I think that's why.
to collapse. And I think that that's if people are feeling as though we're on the verge of tyranny, I think that's why.
This is fascinating. By the way, it's instrumental perspective on liberty. Let's
get to give me a lot to think about. Let me ask a personal question. Was there ever a time
did you have a crisis of faith? Were you questioned your belief in God?
Sure. And I would less call it a crisis of faith and an ongoing question of faith, which I think is I hope most religious people.
And the word Israel, right in Hebrew, Yusra'el means to struggle with God. That's literally a word means. And so the idea of struggling with God, right, if you're Jewish or Banei Israel, right? The idea of struggling with God, I think, is endemic to the human condition.
If you understand what God's doing, then I think you're wrong.
And if you think that that question doesn't matter,
then I think you're also wrong.
I think the God is a very necessary hypothesis.
So struggle, the struggle with God is life.
That is the process of life.
That's right, because you're never gonna get to that answer.
Otherwise, you're God and you aren't.
What is God allow
Cruelty and suffering in the world one of the tough questions. So we're going deep here Uh, there there's two types of cruelty and suffering
So if we're talking about human cruelty and suffering because God does not intervene to prevent people from exercising
They're free will because to do so would be to deprive human beings of the choice that makes them human
And this is the sin of the Garden of Eden basically, is that God could make you an angel, in which case you wouldn't have the choice to do the wrong thing.
But so long as we are going to allow for a cause and effect in a universe shaped by your choice,
cruelty and evil are going to exist. And then there's the question of just the natural cruelty and vicissitudes of life.
And the answer there is, I think that God obscures himself.
I think that if God were to appear in all of his glory to people on a regular basis,
I think that would make faith, and you wouldn't need it.
There'd be no such thing as faith, right?
It would just be reality, right?
Nobody has to prove to you that the sun rises every day.
But if God is to allow us the choice to believe in Him, which is the
ultimate choice from earlier, at this point of view, then He's going to have to obscure
Himself behind tragedy and horror and all those other things. I mean, this is a fairly well-known
cabalistic concept called Sim Sum in Judaism, which is the idea that when God created the universe,
He's sort of withdrew in order to make space for all of these things to happen.
So God doesn't have an instrumental perspective on liberty?
for all of these things to happen. So God doesn't have an instrumental perspective on liberty.
In a chief sense, he does, because the best use of liberty
is going to be belief in him, and you can misuse your liberty, right?
There will be consequences if you believe in an afterlife,
or if you believe in sort of a generalized, better version of life,
led by faith, then liberty does have a purpose.
But he also believes that you have to give people
from a cosmic perspective, the liberty to do wrong
without threatening all the institutions of society.
I mean, that's why it does say in the Bible
that if man sheds blood by a man,
shouts blood, be shed, right?
That there are punishments that are
in biblical thought for doing things that are wrong.
So for a human being who lacks the faith in God,
so if you're an atheist, can you still be a good person?
Of course.
100%.
And there are a lot of religious people who are crappy people.
How do I understand that tension?
Well, from a religious perspective,
what you would say is that it is perfectly plausible
to live in accordance with the set of rules
that don't damage other people without believing in God.
You just might be understanding the reason for doing that wrong is what a religious person
would say.
This is the conversation that I had with Sam basically is you and I agree, I said this is
Sam, you and I ran nearly everything when it comes to morality.
Like probably disagree on 15 to 20% of things.
The other 80% is because you grew up in a Judeo Christian society and so do I and we grew
up 10 miles from each other, you know, around the turn of the millennium.
So there's that. So you can perfectly well be an atheist living a good moral decent life,
because you can live a good moral decent life with regard to other people without believing in God.
I don't think you can build a society on that because I think that, you know, that relies on the sort of
goodness of mankind, natural goodness of mankind. I don't believe in the natural goodness of mankind.
You don't. No, I believe in the, I don't believe in the natural goodness of mankind. You don't.
No, I believe in the man has created both sinful and with the capacity for sin and the capacity for good.
But if you let them be on their own, doesn't it lead to the social institutions to shape them,
I think that that's very likely to go poorly.
Don't you think?
Well, we came to something we disagree on, but that may be that might reflect itself in our approach to Twitter as well.
I think if humans are left on their own, they tend towards good.
They definitely have the capacity for good and evil, but I will left on their own there.
I tend to believe they're good.
I think they might be good with limits.
What I mean by that is that what the evidence I think tends to show is that human beings
are quite tribal.
So what you'll end up with is people who are good with their immediate family and maybe
their immediate neighbors and then when they're threatened by an outside tribe, then they
kill everyone, which is sort of the history of civilization in the pre-civilizational era,
which was a very violent time.
Pre-civilizational era was quite violent.
Do you think on the topic of tribalism in our modern world, what are the pros and cons of tribes?
Is that something we should try to all grow as a civilization? I don't think it's ever going to
be possible to fully outgrow tribalism. I think it's a natural human condition to want to be with
people who think like you or have a common set of beliefs.
And I think trying to obliterate that in the name of a universalism likely leads to utopian
results that have devastating consequences. Utopian sort of universalism has been failing every time
it's tried, whether you're talking about now it seems to be sort of a liberal universalism,
which is being rejected by a huge number of people around the world in various different cultures,
or whether you they talking about religious
universalism, which typically comes with
religious tyranny, or at the time of a communist or a Nazi
sort of universalism which comes with mass water.
So this is, you know, universalism, I'm not a believer in.
I think that you have, you know, some values that are fairly limited,
that all human beings should hold in common,
and that's pretty much it.
Like I think that everybody should have
the ability to join with their own culture.
I think how we define tribes is a different thing.
So I think that tribes should not be defined
by innate physical characteristics, for example,
because I think that thank God is a civilization
we've outgrown that, and I think that that is,
that is a childish way to view the world.
And all the tall people aren't a tribe. All the black people, all the white people aren't a tribe.
So the tribes would be formed over ideas
versus physical characters?
That's right, which is why actually to go back
to the beginning of the conversation
when it comes to Jews, you know, I'm not a big believer
in ethnic Judaism, right?
I'm as a person who takes Judaism seriously
Judaism is more to me than you were born with the last name like burga or steam and so I
Can't wait to agree with you, but he would disagree with me
But that's because he was a tribalist right he thought in racial terms, so
So maybe robots will help us see humans as one tribe. Maybe that this is Reagan's idea right Reagan said well
If there's
an alien invasion, then we'll all be on the same side. So I'll go over to the Soviets and
we'll talk about it. It's some deep truth to that. What does it mean to be a good man? The
various role that a human being takes on in this role theory that you've spoken about. What
does it mean to be a good? It means to perform, now I will do Aristotle.
It means to be perform the function well.
And what Aristotle says is the good is not like moral good,
moral evil in the way that we tend to think about it.
He meant that a good cup holds liquid,
and a good spoon holds soup.
And he means that a thing that is broken
can't hold those things, right?
So the idea of being a good person
means that you are fulfilling the function
for which you were made.
It's an atelialogical view of humanity.
So if you're a good father,
this means that you are bringing up your child
in durable values that is going to bring them up
healthy, capable of protecting themselves
and passing on the traditional wisdom of the ages
to future generations while lying
for the capacity for innovation.
That'd be being a good father.
Being a good spouse would mean protecting and unifying with your spouse and building a safe family
and a place to raise children. Being a good citizen of your community means protecting the fellow
citizens of your community while incentivizing them to build for themselves. And it becomes
actually much easier to think of how to, this is why I like
the role theory because it's very hard since sort of in virtue theory to say, be generous.
Okay, how does that manifest? I don't know what that looks like. Sometimes being generous might
being being not generous to other people, right? When Aristotle says that you should be benevolent,
like what does that mean? This is very vague. When I say be a good dad, most people sort of have a
gut level understanding of what it means to be a good dad.
And mostly what they have a gut level understanding of what
it means to really be a really bad dad.
And so what it means to be a good man
is to fulfill those roles as many of them as you can,
properly and at full function.
And that's a very hard job.
I've said before that, because I engage a lot with the public
and all of this, the word great comes up a lot.
What does it give you a great leader?
What does it give you a great person leader. What does it give you?
A great person.
And I've always had to people is actually fairly easy to be great.
It's very difficult to be good.
There are a lot of it.
There are a lot of very great people who are not very good.
And they're not a lot of good people.
And most of them, you know, frankly, most good people die mourned by their family and friends
and two generations later they're forgotten.
But those are the people who incrementally move the ball forward in the world sometimes
much more than the people who are considered great.
Understand the role in your life that involves being a cup and be damn good at it.
Exactly. That's right. Hold the soup. It's very,
Jordan Peterson of it. It's very like lobster or Jordan Peterson.
Exactly. I think people will quote you for years and years to come on that.
What advice would you give? A lot of young people
will look up to you. What advice, despite their better judgment? No, I'm just kidding. I'm just
maybe only kidding only kidding. They seriously look up to you and draw inspiration from your ideas
from your bold thinking. What advice would you give to them? How to have how to live a life worth living, how to have a career, they can be proud of
and everything like that. So, live out the values that you think are really important and seek
those values and others. It would be the first piece of advice, second piece of advice, don't go
on Twitter until you're 26. Because your brain is fully developed at that point. As I said early on, I was on social media and writing columns from the time I was 17.
It was a great opportunity, and as it turns out, a great temptation to say enormous numbers of stupid things.
When you're young, you're kind of trying out ideas and you're putting them on,
you're taking them off, and social media permanentizes those things and engraves them in stone,
and then that's used against you for the rest of your life.
So I tell young people this all the time,
like if you're gonna be on social media,
be on social media, but don't post, like watch.
If you wanna take in information,
and more importantly, you should read books.
As far as, you know, other advice,
I'd say engage in your community.
There's no substitute for engaging in your community,
and engage in interpersonal action,
because that will soften you and make you a better person.
I've become a better person since I got married.
I've become even better person since I've had kids.
So you can imagine how terrible I was before all these things.
And engaging your community does allow you to build the things
that matter on the most local possible level.
I mean, the outcome by the way of the sort of politics
of the politics of the film that I was talking about earlier
is a lot of localism because the roles that I'm talking about
are largely local roles.
So that stuff has to be protected locally.
I think we focus way too much in this country and others on like world-beating solutions,
national solutions, solutions that apply to hundreds of millions of people.
How it gets to the solutions that apply for like five?
And then we get to the solutions that apply to like 20.
And then we get to the solutions that involve 200 people or a thousand people.
Let's solve that stuff.
And I think the solutions at the higher level
flow bottom up, not top down.
What about mentors and maybe role models?
Have you had a mentor or maybe people you look up to,
either you interact on a local scale,
like you actually knew them or somebody you really looked up at?
For me, I'm very lucky.
I grew up in a very solid two parent household.
I'm extremely close to my parents.
I've lived near my parents,
literally my entire life with the exception of three years
of law school.
Right now, they live a mile and a half from us.
What'd you learn about life from your parents and your father?
So, man, so many things from my parents.
That's a hard one.
I mean, I think the good stuff from my dad is that you should hold true to your values.
He's very big on, you have values, those values are important and hold true to them.
Did you understand what your values are, what your principles are early on?
Fairly quickly, yeah.
And so, he was very big on that, which is why, for example, I get asked a lot in the Jewish
community why I wear a keep on the answer is it never occurred to me to take off the keepa
I always wore it why would I take it off at any point? That's the life that I want to live and you know, that's that's the way to
Yeah, so that was a big one from my dad from my mom practicality my dad is more of a dreamer my mom is much more practical
And so you know
The the sort of lessons that I learned from my dad are that you can have the counter lesson is that you can have a good idea, but if you don't have a plan from
implementation, then it doesn't end up as reality. And I think actually he's learned
that better over the course of his life too. But my dad from very, from time
I was very young, he wanted me to engage with other adults and he wanted me to
learn from other people. And his, one of his roles was if he didn't know
something, he would find somebody who he thought did know the thing for me to
talk to
That was that was a big thing. So I'm I'm very lucky I have wonderful parents as far as sort of other mentors
You know in terms of the media Andrew Breitbart was was a mentor
Andrew obviously he was kind of known in his latter days
I think more for the militancy than then when I was very close with him
So for somebody like me who doesn't who knows more about the militancy
was very close with him. So for somebody like me who knows more about the militancy, can you tell me what is
a great, what makes him a great man?
What made Andrew great is that he engaged with everyone.
I mean, everyone.
So there are videos of him rollerblading down the boulevard and people would be protesting
and he would literally like rollerblade up to them and he would say, let's go to lunch
together and he would just do this.
That's actually who Andrew was.
What was the thinking behind that? Just a very sexualized.
He was just careless.
He was much more outgoing than I am actually.
He was very warm with people.
Like for me, I would say that with Andrew,
I knew Andrew for, say I'm gonna say I'm gonna wear
a 16, he passed away when I would have been 28.
So I knew Andrew for 10, 12 years
and people who met Andrew for about 10 minutes
New Andrew 99% as well as my new Andrew because he was just all out front like everything was out here
And he was he loved talking people he loved engaging with people and so this made him a lot of fun and unpredictable and fun to watch and all that
And then I think Twitter got to him. I think by you know Twitter is
One of the lessons I learned from Andrew is the counter lesson, which is Twitter can poison you. Twitter can
really wreck you. If you spend all day on Twitter reading the comments and getting angry at people
who are talking about you, it becomes a very difficult life. And I think that, you know, in the last
year of his life, Andrew got very caught up in that because of the series of sort of circumstances.
I can actually affect your mind. I can actually make you resentful, all that kind of stuff.
I tend to agree with that.
But the lesson that I learned from Andrew is engage with everybody, take joy in sort of
the mission that you're given.
And you can't always fulfill that.
Sometimes it's really rough and difficult.
I'm not going to pretend that it's all fun and rainbows all the time because it isn't.
And some of the stuff that I have to cover, I don't like, and some of the things I have
to say I don't particularly like.
You know, like that happens.
But that's what I learned from Andrew.
As far as sort of other mentors,
I had some teachers when I was a kid
who said things that stuck with me.
I had a fourth grade teacher named Miss Jeanette,
who said don't let potential be written on your tombstone,
which is a pretty,
it's a great line.
It's a great line, particularly to a fourth grader.
But it was, that was a guy had an 11th grade English teacher named Anthony Miller,
who is terrific, really good writer.
He had studied with James Joyce at Trinity College in Dublin.
And so he and I really got along and he helped me writing a lot.
Did you ever have doubt in yourself?
I mean, especially as you got into the public eye with all the attacks, did you ever doubt
your ability to stay strong,
to be able to be a voice of the ideas that you represent?
You definitely, I don't doubt my ability to say what I want to say.
I doubt my ability to handle the emotional blowback of saying it,
meaning that that's difficult.
I mean, again, in to take just one example, in 2016,
the ADL measured that I was the number one target of anti-Semitism on planet Earth. You know, that's, yeah, that's not fun. You know, that's unpleasant. And
when you take critiques, not from anti-semitism, but when you take critiques from people generally,
we talked about in the beginning, how you surround yourself with people who are going to
give you good feedback. Sometimes it's hard to tell. Sometimes people are giving you feedback.
You don't know whether it's well-mode-vated or poorly-mode-vated. And if you are trying to be a decent person, you can't cut off the mechanism of feedback.
And so what that means is, sometimes you take to heart the wrong thing or you take it to heart too much.
You're not light enough about it. You take it very very seriously. You lose sleep over it.
I mean, I can't tell you the number of nights where I've just not slept because of some critique somebody's made of me.
And I've thought to myself, maybe that's right, maybe that, and sometimes it is right.
And you know, that's, that's some of that is good to stew in that criticism, but some
of that can destroy you.
Do you have a short guess?
So Rogan has talked about taking a lot of mushrooms.
Since you're not, since you're not into the mushroom thing, what's your escape from
that?
Like when you get low, when you can't sleep.
Usually writing is a big one for me. So I, writing for me is cathartic. I love writing. That
is a huge one. Spending time with my family. Again, I usually have a close circle of friends
who I will talk with in order to sort of bounce ideas off of them. And then once I've kind
of talked it through, I tend to feel a little bit better. Exercise is also a big one.
I mean, if I go a few days with that exercise,
I tend to get pretty grumpy, pretty quickly.
I mean, I gotta keep the six pack going, so I'm having a.
There you and Rogan agree.
Well, we haven't, aside from Twitter, mentioned love.
What's the role of love in the human condition, Ben Shapiro?
Man, don't get asked for love too much.
In fact, I was, I was, you don't get that question on college camp.
No, I typically don't actually.
In fact, we were at an event recently as a daily wire event.
And in the middle of this event, it's a meeting group with some of the audience.
And the middle of this event, this guy walks by with this girl they're talking and they're
talking to me and their time kind of runs, the security's moving them.
He says, no, no, wait, hold on a minute. And he gets down on one knee and he proposes the girl in front of me.
And I said to him, this is the weirdest proposal in human history. What is happening right now? Like, I was your choice of Cupid here.
So, well, you know, we actually got together because we listened to your show. And I said, I can perform it like a Jewish marriage right now. We're gonna need like a glass. We're gonna need some wine.
It's gonna get weird real fast.
But yeah, so love doctor, I'm typically not asked too much about.
The role of love is important in binding together human beings who ought to be bound together.
And the role of respect is even more important in binding together broader groups of people.
I think one of the mistakes that we make in politics is trying to substitute love for respect
or respect for love and I think that's a big mistake.
So I do not bear tremendous love in the same sense that I do for my family for random strangers.
I don't.
I love my family.
I love my kids.
Anybody who tells you they love your kids as much as you love your kids lying to you,
it's not true.
I love my community more than I love my kids. Anybody who tells you they love your kid as much as you love your kid is lying to you, it's not true.
I love my community more than I love other communities.
I love my state more than I love other states.
I love my country more than I love other countries, right?
Like that's all normal and that's all good.
The problem of empathy can be when that becomes so tight
and it that you're not outward looking
that you don't actually have respect for other people.
So in the local level, you need love in order to protect you and shield you and give you
the strength to go forward.
And then beyond that, you need a lot of respect for people who are not in the circle of love.
And I think trying to extend love to people who are not going to love you back or are going
to slap you in the face for it, or who you're just not that close to, it's either it runs
the risk of being airsats and fake, or it can actually be counterproductive in some senses.
Well, there's some sense in which you could have love for other human beings just
based on the humanity that connects everybody, right? So you love this whole project that we're a part of. And actually,
sort of another thing would disagree on. So loving a stranger, like having that
basic empathy and compassion towards a stranger, even if it can hurt you, I think
it's ultimately like a, that is that to me is what means to be a good man, to live a good life, is to
have that compassion towards strangers.
Because to me, it's almost, it's easy and natural and obvious to love people close to
you, but to step outside yourself and to love others, I think that's what, that's the
fabric of a good society.
You don't think there's value to that?
I think there can be, but I think we're also discussing love almost in two different senses,
meaning that when I talk about love, what I think of immediately is the love I bear for
my wife and kids, or in my parents, or in my siblings, or in my friendship, or the love of
my close friends. But I think that using that same term to describe how I feel about strangers,
I think we just be inaccurate. And so that's why I'm suggesting that respect might be a more solid and realistic foundation
for the way that we treat people far away from us or people who are strangers, respect for their dignity, respect for their priorities, respect for their role in life.
It might be too much of an ask in other words.
There might be the rare human being who's capable of literally loving a homeless man on the street,
the way they do love his own family.
But if you respect the homeless man on the street,
the way that you respect your own family,
because everyone deserves that respect.
I think that you get to the same end without forcing people
into a position of unrealistically expecting themselves
to feel a thing they don't feel.
One of the big questions in religion that comes up
is God makes certain requests that you feel certain ways,
you're supposed to be disinclined,
you're supposed to be happy about certain things
or you're supposed to love that neighbor as thyself.
He'll notice that in that statement,
it's thye neighbor, right?
It's not just like generally anyone,
it's love thye neighbor as thyself.
In any case, the...
I think that extends to anyone that falls you on Twitter.
The neighbor because it's got anticipated the social network aspect that
doesn't, it's not constrained by geography.
Yeah, I'm going to, I'm going to differ with you on the
interpretation on that, but in any case, the, the, the sort of, you know,
the, the kind of extension of love outwards might be too big and ask.
So maybe we can start with respects and then
hopefully out of that respect can grow something more if people earn their way in. Because I think
that one of the big problems when we're talking about universalism is when people say like I'm a
world citizen, I love people over the other country as much as I love myself or as much as I love
my country. It tends to actually lead to an almost crammed down utopianism that I think can be
kind of difficult because with love comes a certain expectation of solidarity. And I
think right and when you love your family, you love your wife, like there's a certain
level of solidarity that is required inside the home in order to preserve the most loving
kind of home. And so if you love everybody, then that sort of implies a certain level of
solidarity that may not exist. So maybe the idea is, for me, start with respect, and then
maybe as people respect each other more, then then love is an outgrowth of that as opposed
to starting with love and then hoping that respect develops.
Yeah, there's a danger that that word becomes empty. And instead is used for dogmatic kind
of utopianism. I mean, this is the way the way that for example religious theocracies very often work. We love you so much. We have to convert you.
So let's start with respect. What I would love to see
after our conversation today is to see a bench appear that continues the growth on Twitter of being even more respectful than you've already been.
more respectful than you've already been. And maybe one day converting that into love on Twitter.
That would, if I could see that in this world,
that would make me die a happy man.
Wow, that's a little bit more.
If I could make that happen, love in the world for me.
As a gift for me.
I'll try to make that happen.
I do have one question.
I'm gonna need you to tell me,
can I, like, which jokes are okay?
Are jokes still okay?
So, yeah, can I just run your Twitter from now on?
You just send it to me.
I will pre-screen you the jokes.
And you can tell me if this is a loving joke
or if this is a hate-filled message.
People will be very surprised by all the heart emojis
this bad popping up on your Twitter.
But thank you so much for being bold and fearless
and exploring ideas.
And your Twitter aside,
thank you for being just good faith
and all the arguments and all the conversations
you're having with people. It's a huge honor.
Thank you for talking to me.
Thanks for having me. I really appreciate it.
Thanks for listening to this conversation with Ben Shapiro.
To support this podcast, please check out our sponsors
in the description.
And now, let me leave you with some words
from Ben Shapiro himself.
For any of us speech and thought matters,
especially when it is speech and thought with which we disagree.
The moment the majority decides to destroy people
for engaging a thought it dislikes,
thought crime becomes a reality.
Thank you for listening, and hope to see you next time.