Lex Fridman Podcast - #445 – Vivek Ramaswamy: Trump, Conservatism, Nationalism, Immigration, and War
Episode Date: September 25, 2024Vivek Ramaswamy is a conservative politician, entrepreneur, and author of many books on politics, including his latest titled Truths: The Future of America First. Thank you for listening ❤ Check out... our sponsors: https://lexfridman.com/sponsors/ep445-sc See below for timestamps, transcript, and to give feedback, submit questions, contact Lex, etc. Transcript: https://lexfridman.com/vivek-ramaswamy-transcript CONTACT LEX: Feedback - give feedback to Lex: https://lexfridman.com/survey AMA - submit questions, videos or call-in: https://lexfridman.com/ama Hiring - join our team: https://lexfridman.com/hiring Other - other ways to get in touch: https://lexfridman.com/contact EPISODE LINKS: Truths (new book): https://amzn.to/3XPgZJF Vivek's X: https://x.com/VivekGRamaswamy Vivek's YouTube: https://youtube.com/@VivekGRamaswamy Vivek's Instagram: https://instagram.com/vivekgramaswamy Vivek's Facebook: https://facebook.com/VivekGRamaswamy Vivek's Rumble: https://rumble.com/VivekRamaswamy Vivek's LinkedIn: https://bit.ly/4e5g0uv Vivek's other books: Woke, Inc.: https://amzn.to/4eqiDqs Nation of Victims: https://amzn.to/3Tu4259 Capitalist Punishment: https://amzn.to/3XOwi5c SPONSORS: To support this podcast, check out our sponsors & get discounts: Saily: An eSIM for international travel. Go to https://saily.com/lex BetterHelp: Online therapy and counseling. Go to https://betterhelp.com/lex NetSuite: Business management software. Go to http://netsuite.com/lex Ground News: Unbiased news source. Go to https://groundnews.com/lex Eight Sleep: Temp-controlled smart mattress. Go to https://eightsleep.com/lex OUTLINE: (00:00) - Introduction (12:50) - Conservatism (16:06) - Progressivism (21:41) - DEI (26:33) - Bureaucracy (33:25) - Government efficiency (48:34) - Education (1:02:59) - Military Industrial Complex (1:25:18) - Illegal immigration (1:46:53) - Donald Trump (2:08:18) - War in Ukraine (2:19:31) - China (2:30:42) - Will Vivek run in 2028? (2:42:21) - Approach to debates PODCAST LINKS: - Podcast Website: https://lexfridman.com/podcast - Apple Podcasts: https://apple.co/2lwqZIr - Spotify: https://spoti.fi/2nEwCF8 - RSS: https://lexfridman.com/feed/podcast/ - Podcast Playlist: https://www.youtube.com/playlist?list=PLrAXtmErZgOdP_8GztsuKi9nrraNbKKp4 - Clips Channel: https://www.youtube.com/lexclips
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The following is a conversation with Vivek Ramaswamy about the future of conservatism
in America.
He has written many books on this topic, including his latest called Truths, The Future of America
First.
He ran for president this year in the Republican primary and is considered by many to represent
the future of the Republican Party.
Before all that, he was a successful biotech entrepreneur and investor with a degree in
biology from Harvard and a law degree from Yale.
As always, when the topic is politics, I will continue talking to people on both the left
and the right with empathy, curiosity, and backbone.
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Xaeli. Alright, this episode is also brought to you by BetterHelp. Spelled H-E-L-P help. Have you
seen the movie One Flew Over the Cuckoo's Nest? It's a good movie.
I really should read the book. I haven't read the book. I really want to read the book.
But I think there's something also magical about the performances in the movie, just
pure genius. Anyway, the performances in the movie reveal the various manifestations of
insanity, including the insanity of the people running the institutions.
There's all kinds of insanities that humans are capable of.
Why do I say this?
I believe talking is one of the ways to reverse engineer
how the insanity came to be in the first place.
I would have loved to be inside
on Floor Over the Cuckoo's nest and talk to
those characters and talk to those human beings. In fact, I gravitate towards people with that
kind of complexity in their mind.
When I traveled across the country and in general when I travel, I gravitate towards
people like the homeless people outside of 7-Eleven and have a genuine, non-judgmental,
just open-hearted conversation with them. I like talking to
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mean manual labor jobs. just people with their eyes their
hands their feet their whole way of being shows aware and tear shows the
journey sort of well-lived and hard-lived I like those people and I
really want to talk to those people on a podcast. But more than anything, forget the mics.
I just like talking to them just as a one human to another.
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slash lex and save on your first month. That's betterhelp.com slash lex. This episode is
also brought to you by NetSuite, an all-in-one cloud business management system. I just recently
did an episode on the history of Marxism. And what really struck me is that the 19th century was a battleground of radical ideas.
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Sort of, in our rhetoric, radicalize the rhetoric and push towards the moderate
our actual policies and ideas.
And it's interesting to look back at it in the 19th century,
the industrialized world that doesn't have enough data
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And now, dear friends, here's Vivek Ramaswami. You are one of the great elucidators of conservative ideas, so you're the perfect person to ask,
what is conservatism?
What's your, let's say, conservative vision for America?
Well, actually, this is one of my criticisms
of the modern Republican Party and direction
of the conservative movement is that we've gotten so good
at describing what we're against.
There's a list of things that we could rail against,
wokeism, transgender ideology, climate ideology,
COVIDism, COVID policies, the radical Biden agenda,
the radical Harris agenda, the list goes on.
But actually what's missing in the conservative movement
right now is what we actually stand for.
What is our vision for the future of the country?
And I saw that as a deficit at the time
I started my presidential campaign.
It was in many ways the purpose of my campaign
because I do feel that that's
why we didn't have the red wave in 2022. So they tried to blame
Donald Trump, they tried to blame abortion, they blamed a
bunch of individual specific issues or factors. I think the
real reason we didn't have that red wave was that we got so
practiced at criticizing Joe Biden that we forgot to
articulate who we are and what we stand for.
So what do we stand for as conservatives?
I think we stand for the ideals that we fought the American Revolution for in 1776.
Ideals like merit, right?
That the best person gets the job without regard to their genetics.
That you get ahead in this country not on the color of your skin, but on the content of your character, free speech and open debate, not just as some sort
of catchphrase, but the idea that any opinion, no matter how
heinous you get to express it in the United States of America,
self governance, and this is a big one right now is that the
people we elect to run the government, they're no longer
the ones who actually run the government, we in the
conservative movement, I believe, should believe in restoring self-governance where it's not bureaucrats running
the show, but actually elected representatives. And then the other ideal that the nation was
founded on that I think we need to revive and I think is a north star of the conservative movement
is restoring the rule of law in this country. You think about even the abandonment of the rule of law
at the southern border. It's particularly personal to me as the kid of legal immigrants to this country. You and
I actually share a couple of aspects in common in that regard. That also though means your first act
of entering this country can't break the law. So there's some policy commitments and principles,
merit, free speech, self-governance, rule of law.
And then I think culturally, what does it mean to be a conservative? It means we believe in
the anchors of our identity in truth, the value of the individual, family, nation, and God,
beat race, gender, sexuality, and climate, if we have the courage to actually stand for our own vision.
And that's a big part of what's been missing.
And it's a big part of not just through the campaign,
but through a lot of my future advocacy,
that's the vacuum I'm aiming to fill.
Yeah, we'll talk about each of those issues.
Immigration, the growing bureaucracy of government,
religion is a really interesting topic,
something you've spoken about a lot.
But you've also had a lot of really tense debates.
So you're a perfect person to ask
to steel man the other side.
So let me ask you about progressivism.
Can you steel man the case for progressivism
and left-wing ideas?
Yeah, so look, I think the strongest case,
particularly for left-wing ideas in the United States,
so in the American context, is that the country has
been imperfect in living up to its ideals.
So even though our founding fathers preached
the importance of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness
and freedom, they didn't practice those values
in terms of many of our founding fathers being slave owners,
inequalities with respect to women,
and other disempowered groups, such that they say that that created a power structure in this
country that continues to last to this day. The vestiges of what happened even in 1860
in the course of human history isn't that long ago, and that we need to do everything in our
power to correct for those imbalances in power in the United States. That's the core view of
the modern left. I'm not criticizing it right now. I'm steelmaning it. I'm
trying to give you, I think, a good articulation of why the left believes they have a compelling case
for the government stepping in to correct for historical or present inequalities.
I can give you my counter rebuttal of that, but the best statement of the left, I think that it's
the fact that we've been imperfect
in living up to those ideals.
In order to fix that, we're gonna have to take steps
that are severe steps, if needed,
to correct for those historical inequalities
before we actually have true equality
of opportunity in this country.
That's the case for the left-wing view in modern America.
So what's your criticism of that?
So my concern with it is even if that's well motivated,
I think that it recreates many of the same problems
that they were setting out to solve.
I'll give you a really tangible example of that
in the present right now.
I may be alone amongst prominent conservatives
who would say something like this right now,
but I think it's true, so I'm gonna say it.
I'm actually, even in the last year, last year and a half,
seeing actually a rise in anti-black
and anti-minority racism in this country,
which is a little curious.
Right when over the last 10 years,
we got as close to Martin Luther King's promised land
as you could envision,
place where you have every American,
regardless of their skin color,
able to vote without obstruction,
a place where you have people able to get
the highest jobs in the land
without race standing in their way.
Why are we seeing that resurgence?
In part, it's because of, I believe,
that left-wing obsession with racial equity
over the course of the last 20 years in this country.
And so when you take something away from someone
based on their skin color,
and that's what correcting for prior injustice
was supposed to do, the left-wing views are to correct
for prior injustice was supposed to do. The left-wing views are to correct for prior injustice by saying that whether you're white, straight, cis man,
you have certain privileges that you have to actually correct for.
When you take something away from somebody based on their genetics, you actually foster greater
animus towards other groups around you. And so the problem with that philosophy is that it creates,
there are several problems with it, but the most significant problem that I think everybody can
agree we want to avoid is to actually fan the flames of the very divisions that you supposedly
wanted to heal. I see that in our context of our immigration policy as well. You think about even
what's going on in, I'm from Ohio, I was born and raised in Ohio and I live there today. The controversy in Springfield, Ohio.
I personally don't blame really any of the people
who are in Springfield, either the native people
who were born and raised in Springfield
or even the Haitians who have been moved to Springfield.
But it ends up becoming a divide and conquer strategy
and outcome where if you put 20,000 people in a community
where, 50,000 people where the 20,000 are coming in,
don't know the language, are unable to follow
the traffic laws, are unable to assimilate,
you know there's going to be a reactionary backlash.
And so even though that began perhaps
with some type of charitable instinct, right?
Some type of sympathy for people who went through
the earthquake
in 2010 in Haiti and achieve temporary protective status in the United States. What began with
sympathy, what began with earnest intentions, actually creates the very division and reactionary
response that supposedly we say we wanted to avoid. So that's my number one criticism of that left-wing worldview. Number two is I do believe that merit and equity are actually incompatible.
Merit and group quotas are incompatible.
You can have one or the other, you can't have both.
And the reason why is no two people, and I think this is a beautiful thing, it's true
between you and I, between you, I, and all of our friends or family or strangers or neighbors or colleagues. No
two people have the same skill sets were each endowed by
different gifts were each endowed with different talents.
And that's the beauty of human diversity. And a true
meritocracy is a system in which you're able to achieve the
maximum of your God given potential without anybody standing in your way.
But that means necessarily there's gonna be differences
in outcomes in a wide range of parameters,
not just financial, not just money,
not just fame or currency or whatever it is.
There's just gonna be different outcomes
for different people in different spheres of lives.
And that's what meritocracy demands.
It's what it requires.
And so the left's vision of group equity
Necessarily comes at the cost of meritocracy
And so those would be my two reasons for opposing the view is one is it's not meritocratic
But number two is it often even has the effect of hurting the very people
They claimed to have wanted to help and I think that's part of what we're seeing in modern America
Yeah, you had a pretty intense debate with Mark Cuban a Great conversation. I think it's on your podcast, actually.
Yeah.
Yeah, it was great.
It was great.
Okay, well, speaking of good guys,
he messaged me all the time
with beautifully eloquent criticism.
I appreciate that, Mark.
What was one of the more convincing things he said to you?
You're mostly focused on kind of DEI.
So let's just take a step back and understand, because people use acronyms, and then they start saying it out of muscle memory and stop asking what it actually means like DEI refers to capital D, diversity, equity and inclusion, which is a philosophy need to strive for specific forms of racial, gender and
sexual orientation, diversity. And it's not just the D, it's
the equity in ensuring that you have equal outcomes, as measured
by certain group quota targets or group representation
targets that they would meet in their ranks. That the problem
with the DEI agenda is in the name of diversity, it actually has been
a vehicle for sacrificing true diversity of thought.
So the way the argument goes is this, is that we have to create an environment that is receptive
to minorities and minority views.
But if certain opinions are themselves deemed to be hostile to those minorities, then you
have to exclude those opinions in the name of the capital D diversity.
But that means that you're necessarily sacrificing actual diversity of thought.
I can give you a very specific example that might sound like, okay, well,
is it such a bad thing if an organization doesn't want to exclude people who are saying
racist things on a given day? We could debate that. But let's get to the tangible world of
how that actually plays out. I, for my part, have not really heard in
ordinary America people uttering racial epithets, if
you're going to a restaurant or in the grocery store. It's not
something I've encountered, certainly not in the workplace.
But that's a theoretical case. Let's talk about the real world
case of how this plays out. There was an instance, it was a
case that presented itself before the Equal Employment
Opportunity Commission, the EEOC, one of the government enforcers of the DEI agenda. And there was a case of a woman who wore red
sweater on Fridays in celebration of veterans and those who had served the military and invited
others in the workplace to do the same thing. And they had a kind of affinity group. You could call
it that, a veteran type affinity group appreciating those who had served. Her son had served as well.
There was a minority employee at that
business who said that he found that to be a microaggression. So
the employer asked her to stop wearing said clothes to the
office. Well, she still felt like she wanted to celebrate I
think was Friday was the day of the week where they did it. She
still wore the red sweater and she didn't wear it but she would
hang it on the back of her seat, right put it on the back of her seat at the office.
They said, no, no, no, you can't do that either.
So the irony is in the name of this capital D diversity,
which is creating a supposedly welcoming workplace
for all kinds of Americans,
by focusing only on certain kinds of so-called diversity,
that translates into actually not even a diversity
of your genetics, which is what they claim
to be solving for, but also a hostility
to diversity of thought.
And I think that's dangerous.
And you're seeing that happen in the last four years
across this country.
It's been pretty rampant.
I think it leaves America worse off.
The beauty of America is we're a country
where we should be able to have institutions
that are stronger from different points of view
being expressed.
But my number one criticism of the DEI agenda
is not even that it's anti-meritocratic,
it is anti-meritocratic.
But my number one criticism is actually hostile
to the free and open exchange of ideas
by creating often legal liabilities for organizations
that even permit certain viewpoints to be expressed.
And I think that's the biggest concern.
I think what Mark would say is that diversity
allows you to look for talent in places
where you haven't looked before
and therefore find really special talents, special people.
I think that's the case he made.
He did make that case and it was a great conversation.
And my response to that is great, that's a good thing.
You don't need a three-letter acronym to do that, right?
You don't need special programmatic DEI incentives
to do it because companies are always gonna seek
in a truly free market,
which I think we're missing in the United States today
for a lot of reasons.
But in a truly free market,
companies will have the incentive
to hire the best and brightest,
or else they're gonna be less competitive
versus other companies,
but you don't need ESG, DEI, CSR regimes
in part enforced by the government to do it.
Today to be a government contractor, for example,
you have to adopt certain racial
and gender representation targets in your workforce.
That's not the free market working.
So I think you can't have it both ways.
Either it's gonna be good for companies
and companies are gonna do what's in their self-interest.
That's what capitalists like Mark Cuban and I believe.
But if we really believe that,
then we should let the market work
rather than forcing it to adopt these top-down standards.
That's my issue with it.
I don't know what it is about human psychology,
but whenever you have a sort of administration,
a committee that gets together to do a good thing,
the committee starts to use the good thing,
the ideology behind which there's a good ideal
to bully people and to do bad things.
I don't know what it is.
This has less to do with left-wing
versus right-wing ideology,
and more the nature of a bureaucracy
is one that looks after its own existence as its top goal.
So part of what you've seen with the so-called
perpetuation of wokeness in American life
is that the bureaucracy has used the appearance of virtue
to actually deflect accountabilities for its own failure.
So you've seen that in several different spheres
of American life.
You could even talk about it in the military.
You think about our entry into Iraq after 9-11 had nothing to do with the stated objectives that we had.
And I think by all accounts, it was a policy move we regret.
Our policy ranks and our foreign policy establishment made a mistake in entering Iraq, invading a country that really by all accounts was not at all responsible for 9-11. Nonetheless, if you're part of the US military or your general
Mark Milley, you would rather talk about white rage or systemic racism than you would actually
talk about the military's actual substantive failures. It's what I call the practice of
blowing woke smoke to deflect accountability. You could say the same thing with respect
to the educational system.
It's a lot easier to claim that,
and I'm not the one making this claim,
but others have made this claim that math is racist
because there are inequitable results
on objective tests of mathematics
based on different demographic attributes.
You can claim using that that math is racist.
It's a lot easier to blow that woke smoke
than it is to accept accountability
for failing to teach black kids in the inner city
how to actually do math and fix our public school systems
and the zip code coded mechanism
for trapping kids in poor communities in bad schools.
So I think that in many cases,
what these bureaucracies do is they use the appearance
of signaling this virtue as a way
of not really advancing a social
cause, but of strengthening the power of the bureaucracy itself and insulating that bureaucracy
from criticism. So in many ways, bureaucracy, I think, cars the channels through which much of
this woke ideology has flowed over the last several years. And that's why part of my focus has shifted away
from just combating wokeness, because that's just a symptom, I think, versus combating actual
bureaucracy itself, the rise of this managerial class, the rise of the deep state, we talk about
that in the government, but the deep state doesn't just exist in the government. It exists, I think,
in every sphere of our lives, from companies to nonprofits to universities.
It's the rise of what we call the managerial class,
the committee class, the people who professionally sit on committees,
I think are wielding far more power today than actual creators,
entrepreneurs, original ideators, and ordinary citizens alike.
Yeah, you need managers, but as few as possible.
It seems like when you have a giant managerial class,
the actual doers don't get to do.
But like you said, bureaucracy is a phenomena
of both the left and the right.
This is not-
It's not even a left or a right.
It just transcends that,
but it's anti-American at its core. So our founding fathers, they were anti-bureaucratic
at their core, actually. They were the pioneers, the explorers, the unafraid. They were the
inventors, the creators. People forget this about Benjamin Franklin, who signed the Declaration of
Independence. One of the great inventors that we have in the United States as well. He invented
the lightning rod. He invented the Franklin stove, which was actually one of the great inventors that we have in the United States as well. He invented the lightning rod. He invented the Franklin stove, which
was actually one of the great innovations
of the field of thermodynamics.
He even invented a number of musical instruments
that Mozart and Beethoven went on to use.
That's just Benjamin Franklin.
So you think, oh, he's a one-off.
Everybody's like, OK, he was the one zany founder
who was also a creative scientific innovator who
happened to be one of the founders of the country.
Wrong, it wasn't unique to him.
You have Thomas Jefferson.
What are you sitting in right now?
You're sitting on a swivel chair.
Mm-hmm.
Okay, who invented the swivel chair?
Thomas Jefferson?
Yes, Thomas Jefferson.
Funny enough, he invented the swivel chair
while he was writing the Declaration of Independence.
You're the one that- Which is insane.
Reminded me that he drafted,
he wrote the Declaration of Independence when he was 33.
And he was 33 when he did it,
while inventing the swivel chair.
I like how you're focused on the swivel chair.
Can we just pause on the Declaration of Independence?
It makes me feel horrible.
The Declaration of Independence part, everybody knows.
What people don't know, he was an architect.
So he worked in Virginia, but the Virginia State Capitol dome, so the building that's
in Virginia today, where the state capital is, that dome was actually designed by Thomas
Jefferson as well.
So these people weren't people who sat on professional committees.
They weren't bureaucrats.
They hated bureaucracy.
Part of Old World England is Old World England was committed to the idea of
bureaucracy. Bureaucracy and monarchy go hand in hand. A monarch can't actually administer or
govern directly, requires a bureaucracy, a machine to actually technocratically govern for him.
So the United States of America was founded on the idea that we reject that old world view.
founded on the idea that we reject that old world view. The old world vision was that we the people
cannot be trusted to self-govern
or make decisions for ourselves.
We would burn ourselves off the planet
is the modern version of this.
With existential risks like global climate change,
if we just leave it to the people and their democratic will,
that's why you need professional technocrats,
educated elites, enlightened bureaucrats
to be able to set the limits
that actually protect people from their own worst impulses.
That's the old worldview.
And most nations in human history have operated this way.
But what made the United States of America itself,
to know what made America great,
we have to know what made America itself.
What made America itself is we said hell no to that vision, that we the people, for better or worse, are going to self govern without the
committee class, restraining what we do. And the likes of Jefferson and Benjamin Franklin,
and I could give you examples of John Adams or Robert Livingston, you go straight down the list
of founding fathers who were inventors, creators, pioneers, explorers, who also were the very
people who came together to sign the Declaration of Independence. And so yeah, this rise of
bureaucracy in America in every sphere of life, I view it as anti-American, actually. And I hope
that, you know, conservatives and liberals alike can get behind my crusade, certainly, to get in
there and shut most of it down. Yes. Speaking of shutting most of it down, how do you propose we do that?
How do we make government more efficient? How do we make it smaller?
What are the different ideas on how to do that?
Well, the first thing I will say is you're always taking a risk.
There's no free lunch here, mostly at least. You're always taking a risk.
One risk is that you say, I wanna reform it gradually.
I wanna have a grand master plan
and get to exactly what the right end state is
and then carefully cut with a chisel,
like a work of art to get there.
I don't believe that approach works.
I think that's an approach
that concertists have taken for many years.
I think it hasn't gotten us very far.
And the reason is if you have like an eight-headed hydra
and you cut off one of the heads, it grows right back.
The other risk you could take,
so that's the risk of not cutting enough.
The other risk you could take is the risk
of cutting too much.
To say that I'm gonna cut so much
that I'm gonna take the risk of not just cutting the fat,
but also cutting some muscle along the way,
that I'm gonna take that risk. I can't give you option C, which is to say that I'm gonna cut exactly the way, then I'm going to take that risk.
I can't give you option C, which is to say that I'm going to cut exactly the right amount. I'm going to do it perfectly. Okay. You don't know ex ante, you don't know beforehand that it's exactly
how it's going to go. So that's a meaningless claim. It's only a question of which risk you're
going to take. I believe in the moment we live in right now, the second risk is the risk we have to
be willing to take. And we haven't had, we haven't had a class of
politician and Donald Trump in 2016 was I think the closest
we've gotten. I think the second term will be even, even closer
to what we need. But short of that, I don't think we've really
had a class of politician who has gotten very serious about
cutting so much that you're also going to cut some fat, but not only some fat, but also some
muscle. That's the risk we have to take. So what would the way I
would do it 75% headcount reduction across the board in
the federal bureaucracy, send them home packing, shut down
agencies that shouldn't exist, rescind every unconstitutional
regulation that Congress never passed. In a true self
governing democracy,
it should be our elected representatives that make the laws and the rules, not an elected
bureaucrats. And that is the single greatest form of economic stimulus we could have in this country,
but it is also the single most effective way to restore self-governance in our country as well.
And it is the blueprint for I think how we save this country.
as well and it is the blueprint for I think how we save this country. That's pretty gangster. 75% there's this kind of almost meme like video of Argentinian
president Javier Amole. We're on a whiteboard he has all the I think 18
ministries lined up and he's like, he's ripping like the department of education
gone and he's just going like this.
Uh, now the situation in Argentina is pretty dire and the situation in the
United States is not, despite everybody saying, oh, the empire is falling.
This is still in my opinion, the greatest nation on earth.
Still, the economy is doing very well. Still, this is the hub of culture, the hub of
innovation, the hub of so many amazing things. Do you think it's possible to do something like
firing 75% of people in government
when things are going relatively well.
Yes, in fact, I think it's necessary and essential.
I think things are, it depends on what your level of well
really is, what you're benchmarking against.
America's not built on complacency, right?
We're built on the pursuit of excellence.
And are we still the greatest nation on planet earth?
I believe we are, I agree with you on that.
But are we great as we could possibly be or even as we have been in the past measured against our
own standards of excellence? No, we're not. I think the nation is in a trajectory of decline.
That doesn't mean it's the end of the empire yet. But we are a nation in decline right now. I don't
think we have to be. But part of that decline is driven by the rise of this
managerial class, the bureaucracy sucking the lifeblood out of the country, sucking the lifeblood
out of our innovative culture, our culture of self-governance. So is it possible? Yeah,
it's really possible. I mean, I'll tell you one easy way to do it. I'm being a little bit glib
here, but I think it's not crazy, at least as a thought experiment. Getting there on day
one, say that anybody in the federal bureaucracy who was not
elected elected representatives obviously were elected by the
people. But the people who are not elected, if your social
security number ends in an odd number, you're out. If it ends
in an even number, you're in there's a 50% cut right there.
Of those who remain, if your social security number starts in an even number,
you're in, and if it starts with an odd number, you're out.
Boom, that's a 75% reduction.
Then literally, stochastically, okay,
one of the virtues of that,
it's a thought experiment, not a policy prescription,
but one of the virtues of that thought experiment
is that you don't have a bunch of lawsuits
you're
dealing with about gender discrimination or racial discrimination or political viewpoint
discrimination. Actually, the reality is you've at mass you didn't bring the chisel you brought
a chainsaw. I guarantee you do that on day one and do number two step two on day two on day three.
Not a thing will have changed for the ordinary American other than the size of
their government being a lot smaller and more restrained,
spending a lot less money to operate it. And most people have
run a company, especially larger companies know this it's 25% of
the people who do 80 to 90% of the useful work these government
agencies are no different. So now imagine you could do that
same thought experiment, but not just doing it at random, but do it still at large scale while having some metric of screening
for those who actually had both the greatest competence, as well as the greatest commitment
and knowledge of the Constitution. That I think would immediately raise not only the
civic character of the United States. Now we feel okay, the people we elect to run the
government, they've got the power back, they're running the government again, as opposed to the unelected bureaucrats who
wield the power today. It would also stimulate the economy. I
mean, the regulatory state is like a wet blanket on the
American economy. Most of its unconstitutional. All we require
is leadership with a spine to get in there and actually do
what conservative presidents have maybe gestured towards and
talked about,
but have not really effectuated ever in modern history.
And by the way, that kind of thing would attract the ultra competent to actually want to work
in government.
Exactly, which you're missing today.
Because right now the government would swallow them up.
Most competent people feel like that bureaucratic machine will swallow them whole.
You clear the decks of 75% of them, real innovators can then show up. Yeah, you know, there's kind of the cynical view of
capitalism where people think that the only reason you do anything is to earn
more money, but I think a lot of people would want to work in government to
build something that's helpful to a huge number of people. Yeah, well look, I think
there's opportunities for the very best to have large-scale impact
in all kinds of different institutions, in our universities, K through 12 education,
through entrepreneurship. I'm obviously very biased in that regard. I think there's a lot
you're able to create that you couldn't create through government. But I do think in the moment
that we live in where our government is as broken as it is, and is as responsible for the declining nature of our country, yeah, I think
bringing in people who are unafraid, talented, and able to have an impact could make all of the
difference. And I agree with you. I don't think actually most people, even most people who say
they're motivated by money, I don't think are actually motivated by money. I think most people, even most people who say they're motivated by money, I don't think are actually motivated by money. I think most people are driven by a belief that they can do more than
they're being permitted to do right now with their skill sets. I'll tell you that, so I've
run a number of companies and one of the things that I used to ask when I was, I'm not day to day
involved in them anymore, but as a CEO, I would ask when I did interviews. And one of the things that I used to ask when I was, you know, I'm not day to day involved in them anymore. But as
a CEO, I would ask when I did interviews, and the first
company I started at Roivn, like for four years in, I mean,
we're, you know, company was pretty big. By that point, I
would still intent on interviewing every candidate
before they joined screening for the culture of that person. And
I can talk a lot more about things we did to build that
culture.
But one of the questions I would always ask them naturally
just to start a conversation,
it's a pretty basic question is,
why did you leave your last job
or why are you leaving your last job?
I'll tell you what I didn't hear very often,
is that I wasn't paid enough, right?
And maybe they'd be shy to tell you that
during an interview, but there's indirect ways
to signal that.
That really wasn't at all, like even a top 10 reason why
people were leaving their job.
I'll give you what the number one reason was,
is that they felt like they were unable to do
the true maximum of what their potential was
in their prior role.
That's the number one reason people leave their job.
And I think, by the way, I would say that as I'm saying
that in a self boastful way that we would attract
these people, I think that's also true for most
of the people who left the company as well,
Royvind, right?
And it's, and that was true at Royvind Stuart,
other companies I've started.
I think the number one reason people join companies
and the one people leave companies,
whether they've been to join mine or to leave mine
in the past have been that they feel like
they're able to do more than they're able to,
with their skillset, than that environment permits them
to actually achieve.
And so I think that's what people hung for.
When we think about capitalism
and true free market capitalism,
and we used words earlier like meritocracy,
it's about building a system, whether it's in a nation
or whether it's even within an organization that allows every individual to flourish and achieve the maximum of their potential.
And sometimes it just doesn't match for an organization where let's say the mission is here
and somebody's skill sets could be really well aligned to a different mission.
Then the right answer is it's not a negative thing. It's just that that person needs to leave and
find their mission somewhere else. But to bring that back to government,
I think part of what's happened right now
is that the rise of that bureaucracy
in so many of these government agencies
has actually obfuscated the mission of these agencies.
I think if you went to most federal bureaucracies
and just asked them, like, what's the mission?
I'm just making one up off the top of my head right now,
the Department of Health and Human Services.
What is the mission of HHS in the United States of America? I doubt somebody who works there,
even the person who leads it could give you a coherent answer to that question.
I just heavily doubt it. And you could fill in the blank for any range of the Department of
Commerce. I mean, it could just go straight down the list of each of these other ones.
What is the mission of this organization? You could say for the US military, what's the
purpose of the US military, the Department of Defense, I can
give you one. I think it is to win wars, and more importantly,
through its strength to avoid wars. That's it. Well, okay, if
that's the mission, then you know, okay, it's not tinkering
around and messing around in some foreign conflict where we
kind of feel like it sometimes and other ones where we don't.
And who decides that I
Don't really know but whoever the people are that decide that we follow those orders
No, our mission is to protect the United States of America to win wars and to avoid wars boom those three things
What is protecting the United States of America mean number one the homeland of the United States of America and the people who reside there
Okay, that's a clear mission
I mean the Department of Health and Human Services,
maybe could be a reasonable mission
to say that I wanna make America
the healthiest country on planet Earth,
and we will develop the metrics and meet those metrics.
And that's the goal of the Department of HHS
to set policies or at least implement policies
that best achieve that goal.
But you can't, and maybe that's the right statement
of the mission, maybe it's not.
But one of the things that happens
is when you're governed by the committee class, it
dilutes the sense of mission out of any organization, whether it's a company or government agency
or bureaucracy.
And once you've done that, then you lose the ability to track the best and the brightest.
Because in order for somebody to achieve the maximum of their potential, they have to know
what it's towards.
There has to be a mission in the first place.
Then you're not getting the best and brightest.
You get more from the committee class,
and that becomes a self-perpetuating downward spiral.
And that is what the blob of the federal bureaucracy
really looks like today.
Yeah, you said something really profound.
At the individual scale,
the individual contributor, doer, creator,
what happens is you have a certain capacity
to do awesome shit,
and then there's barriers that come up.
We have to wait a little bit.. And then there's barriers that come up.
We have to wait a little bit.
This happens, there's friction always.
When humans together are working on something,
there's friction.
And so the goal of a great company
is to minimize that friction,
minimize the number of barriers.
And what happens is the managerial class,
the incentive is to create barriers.
That's what it does.
I mean, that's just by the nature of a bureaucracy.
It creates sand in the gears to slow down
whatever the other process was.
Is there some room for that somewhere in certain contexts?
Sure.
It's a defensive mechanism that's designed to reduce dynamism.
But I think when you, when that becomes cancerous in its scope,
it then actually kills the host itself, whether
that's a school, whether that's a company, whether that's a government. And so the way
I think about it, Lex, is there's sort of a balance of distributed power. And I don't
mean power in the Foucault sense of social power, but I mean just sort of power in sense
of the ability to effect relevant change in any organization between what you could call the founder class, the creator class,
the everyday citizen, the stakeholder class, and then the managerial class. And there's a role for
all three of them, right? You could have the constituents of an organization, say in a
constitutional republic, that's the citizen. You could have the equivalent of the creator class,
the people who create things in that polity.
And then you have the bureaucratic class
that's designed to administer
and serve as a liaison between the two.
I'm not denying that there's some role somewhere
for people who are in that managerial class,
but right now in this moment in American history,
and I think it's been more or less true
for the last century,
but it's grown, starting with Woodrow Wilson's advent
of the modern administrative state,
metastasizing through FDR's New Deal
and what was required to administer it,
blown over and metastasizing further
through LBJ's great society.
And everything that's happened since,
even aided and abetted by Republican presidents
along the way, like Richard Nixon, has created a United States of America where that committee class, both in and outside the
government in our culture, wields far too much influence and power relative to the everyday
citizen stakeholder and to the creators who are in many ways constrained, hamstrung, shackled,
in a straight jacket from achieving the maximum of their own
potential contributions. And, you know, I certainly feel that myself. I, you know,
I probably identify as being a member of that creator class most closely. It's just what I've
done. I create things. And I think we live in an environment in the United States of America where
we're still probably the best country on Earth, where that creator has that shot. So that's the positive side of it.
But one where we are far more constrictive
to the creator class than we have been
when we've been at our best.
And that's where I wanna see change.
Can you sort of steal man the perspective
of somebody that looks at a particular department,
Department of Education,
and are saying that the amount of pain
that will be caused by closing it and firing 75% of people
will be too much. Yeah. So I go back to this question of mission, right? A lot of people
who make arguments for the Department of Education aren't aware why the Department of Education was
created in the first place, actually. So that might be a useful place to start, is that this thing was created,
it had a purpose, presumably.
What was that purpose?
Might be at least a relevant question to ask
before we decide what are we doing with it or not.
What was the purpose of this thing that we created?
It's not a, to me seems like a highly relevant question,
yet in this discussion about government reform,
it's interesting how eager people are to skip over that question and just to talk about, okay, but we got the status
quo and it's just going to be disruptive versus asking the question of, okay, this institution
was created. It had an original purpose. Is that purpose still relevant? Is this organization at
all fulfilling that purpose today? To me, those are some relevant questions to ask. So let's talk
about that for the Department of Education. Its purpose was relevant at that time, which was to make sure that localities,
and particularly states, were not siphoning taxpayer dollars away from predominantly black
school districts to predominantly white ones. And that was not a theoretical concern at the time.
It was happening, or there was at least some evidence
that that was happening in certain states in the South.
And so you may say you don't like the federal solution,
you may say you like the federal solution,
but like it or not, that was the original purpose
of the US Department of Education
to make sure that from a federal perspective,
states were not systematically
disadvantaging black school districts
over predominantly white ones.
However noble and relevant that
purpose may have been six decades ago, it's not a relevant
purpose today. There's no evidence today of states
intentionally mapping out which are the black versus white
school districts, and siphoning money in one direction versus
another. To the contrary, one of the things we've learned is
that the school districts in the inner city, many of which are predominantly black, actually spend more money per student than other school
districts for a worse result as measured by test scores and other performance on a per student
basis, suggesting that there are other factors than the dollar expenditures per school,
determining student success, and actually suggesting that even the overfunding
of some of those already poorly run schools
rewards them for their actual bureaucratic failures.
So against that backdrop, the Department of Education
has instead extrapolated that original purpose
of what was a racial equality purpose
to instead implement a different vision of racial equity
through the ideologies that they demand
in the content of the curriculum that these public schools actually teach. So Department
of Education funding, so federal funding accounts for about, you know, giving you round numbers
here, but around 10% of the funding of most public schools across the country. But that
comes with strings attached. So in today's Department of Education, this didn't happen
back in 1970, but it's happening today. Ironically,
it's funny how these things change with the bureaucracies
that fail, they blow smoke to cover up for their own
failures. What happens with today's Department of Education,
they effectively say you don't get that funding unless you
adopt certain goals deemed it achieving racial or gender
equity goals. And in fact, they also intervene in the curriculum where
there's evidence of schools in the Midwest or in the Great Plains that have been denied funding
because Department of Education funding so long as they have certain subjects like archery, there
was one instance of a school that had archery in its curriculum. I find that to be pretty
interesting. Actually, I think that I think you have different kinds of physical education. This
is one that combines mental focus with physical aptitude, but hey, maybe I'm biased.
Doesn't matter whether you like archery or not.
I don't think it's the federal government's job to withhold funding from a school because they include something in their curriculum that the federal government deems inappropriate,
where that locality found that to be a relevant locus of education.
So what you see then is an abandonment of the original purpose that's long
past. You don't have this problem that the Department of Education was originally formed
to solve of siphoning money from black school districts to white school districts and laundering
that effectively in public funds. That doesn't exist anymore. So they find new purposes instead,
creating a lot more damage along the way. So you asked me to steel man it and could I say
something constructive rather than just, you know just pounding down on the other side?
One way to think about this is,
for a lot of these agencies,
were many of them formed with a positive intention
at the outset?
Yes.
Where that positive intention existed,
I'm still a skeptic of creating bureaucracies,
but if you're gonna create one,
at least make it, what should we call it?
A task force, make it a task force.
A task force versus an agency means after it's done,
you celebrate, you've done your work,
pat yourself on the back and then move on,
rather than creating a standing bureaucracy,
which actually finds things to do
after it has already solved or addressed
the first reason it was born in the first place.
And I think we don't have enough of that in our culture.
I mean, even if you have a company
that's generated tons of cash flow
and it's solved a problem,
let's say it's a biopharmaceutical company
that developed a cure to some disease,
and the only thing people knew at that company
was how to develop a cure to that disease.
And they generated a boatload of cash from doing it.
At a certain point, you could just give it to your shareholders and close up shop.
And that's actually a beautiful thing to do.
You don't see that happen enough in the American consciousness and the American culture of
when an institution has achieved its purpose, celebrate it, and then move on.
And I think that that culture in our government would result in a vastly restrained scope of government
rather than today, it's a one-way ratchet.
Once you cause it to come into existence,
you cause new things to come into existence,
but the old one that came into existence
continues to persist and exist as well.
And that's where you get this metastasis
over the last century.
So what kind of things do you think government should do
that the private sector, the forces of capitalism would create drastic inequalities or create the kind of pain we don't want to
have in government?
So if the question is what should government do that the private sector cannot, I'll give
you one.
Protect our border.
Capitalism is never going to be the job of capitalists or never going to be the capability
or inclination of capitalists to preserve a national border.
And I think a nation is literally,
I think one of the chapters of this book, okay,
a nation without borders is not a nation.
It's almost a tautology.
An open border is not a border.
Capitalism is not going to solve that.
What's going to solve that is a nation.
Part of the job of the federal government
is to protect the homeland of its nation.
In this case, the United States of America.
That's an example of a proper function
of the federal government to provide physical security
to its citizens.
Another proper role of that federal government
is to look after, or in this case,
it could be state government,
to make sure that private parties cannot externalize
their costs onto somebody else without their consent.
It's a fancy way economists would use to describe it.
What does that mean?
Means if you go dump your chemicals
in somebody else's river, then you're liable for that.
It's not that, okay, I'm a capitalist
and so I wanna create things
and I'm gonna do hell or high water,
whether or not that harms people around me.
The job of a proper government is to make sure
that you protect the rights of those who may be harmed
by those who are pursuing their own rights through a system of capitalism in seeking prosperity, you're free to do it. But if
you're hurting somebody else without their consent in the process, the government is there to enforce
what is really just a different form of enforcing a private property right. So I would say that
those are two central functions of government is to preserve national boundaries and the national security of a homeland.
And number two is to protect and preserve private property
rights and the enforcement of those private property rights.
And I think at that point, you've described about 80%
to 90% of the proper role of a government.
What about infrastructure?
Look, I think that most infrastructure
can be dealt with through the private sector.
I mean, you can get into specifics. You could have infrastructure that's specific to national
security. No, I do think that military industrial base is essential to provide national security.
That's a form of infrastructure. I don't think you could rely exclusively on the private sector
to provide the optimal level of that protection to a nation. But, you know, interstate highways,
you know, I think you could think about whether or not that's a common good that everybody benefits from, but nobody has the incentive to create. I think you
could make an argument for the existence of interstate highways. I think you could also make
powerful arguments for the fact that actually you could have enough private sector co-ops that could
cause that to come into existence as well. But you know, I'm not going to be, I'm not, I'm not
dogmatic about this, but broadly speaking, 80 to 90% of the goal of the federal government, I'm not going to say a hundred,
80 to 90% of the goal of the existence of a federal government should be to, of government
period should be to protect national boundaries and provide security for the people who live
there and to protect the private property rights of the people who reside there.
If we restore that, I think we're well on our way
to a revival of what our founding fathers envisioned.
And I think many of them would give you the same answer
that I just did.
So if we get government out of education,
would you be also for reducing this as a government
in the states for something like education?
If it goes closer to municipalities and the states, I'm fine with that being a locus
for people determining, for example,
let's just say school districts are taxed at the local level.
For that to be a matter for municipalities and townships
to actually decide democratically
how they actually want that governed,
whether it's balance between a public school district
versus making that same money available to families
in the form of vouchers
or other forms of ability to educational savings accounts
or whichever mechanism it is to opt out of that.
If that's done locally, I'll have views on that
that tend to go further in the direction
of true educational choice and diversity of choice.
The implementation of charter schools,
the granting of state charters,
or even lowering the barriers to granting one.
I favor those kinds of policies.
But if we've gotten the federal government out of it,
that's achieved 75% of what I think we need to achieve
that I'm focused on solving other problems
and leave that to the states and municipalities
to cover from there.
So given this conversation,
what do you think of Elon's proposal
of the Department of Government Efficiency
in the Trump administration or really any administration?
Well, I'm of course biased
because Elon and I had discussed that
for the better part of the last year and a half.
And so I think it's a great idea.
It's something that's very consistent
with the core premise of my presidential candidacy.
I got to know him as I was running for US president
in a couple of events that he came to,
and then we built a friendship after that.
So obviously I think it's a great idea.
Who do you think is more hardcore
on the cutting, you or Elon?
Well, I think Elon is pretty hardcore.
I said 75% of the federal bureaucrats,
and while I was running for president,
he said, you need to put at least 75%.
So I agree with him.
I think it'd be a fun competition
to see who ends up more hardcore.
I don't think there's someone out there
who's gonna be more hardcore than here I would be.
And the reason is, I think we share in common
a willingness to take the risk and see what happens. I mean,
the sun will still rise in the East and set in the West. That much I guarantee you.
Is there going to be some broken glass and some damage? Yes, there is. There's no way around that.
But once you're willing to take that risk, then it doesn't become so scary anymore.
And here's the thing, Lex. It's easy to say this. Let's talk about what the rubber hits the road
here. Even in the second Trump term, this would be the discussion.
President Trump and I have had this conversation,
but I think we would continue to have this conversation is,
where does it rank on our prioritization list?
Because there's always going to be a trade-off.
If you have a different policy objective
that you want to achieve, a good policy
objective, whatever that is, right?
You could talk about immigration policy,
you could talk about economic policy,
there are other policy objectives.
You're gonna trade off a little bit in the short run,
the effectiveness of your ability to carry out
that policy goal, if you're also committed
to actually thinning out the federal government by 75%,
because there's just gonna be some clunkiness, right? And there's just going to be frictional
costs for that level of cut. So the question is, where does
that rank on your prioritization list? To pull that off, to pull
off a 75% reduction in the size and scale of the federal
government, the regulatory state, and the headcount? I
think that only happens if that's your top priority. You
can do it at a smaller scale. But at that scale, it only happens if that's your top priority. You can do it at a smaller scale, but at that scale,
it only happens if that's your top priority,
because then as president, you're in a position to say,
I know in the super short run,
that might even make it a little bit harder
for me to do this other thing that I wanna do
and use the regulatory state to do it.
But I'm gonna pass on that.
I'm gonna pass that up,
I'm gonna bear that hardship and inconvenience
because I know this other goal is more important on the scale of decades and centuries for
the country. So it's a question of prioritization. And certainly my own view is that now is a
moment where that needs to be a top priority for saving this country. And if there's one
thing about my campaign, if I was to do it again, I would be even clearer
about, because I talked about a lot of things in the campaign and we can cover a lot of that too,
but if there's one thing that I care about more than anything else is dismantling that bureaucracy
and moreover, it is an assault and a crusade on the nanny state itself. And that nanny state
presents itself in several forms.
There's the entitlement state, that's the welfare state,
presents itself in the form of the regulatory state,
that's what we're talking about.
And then there's the foreign nanny state,
where effectively we are subsidizing other countries
that aren't paying their fair share of protection
or other resources we provide them.
If I was to summarize my ideology in a nutshell,
it is to terminate the nanny state
in the United States of America in all of its forms,
the entitlement state, the regulatory state,
and the foreign policy nanny state.
Once we've done that, we've revived the republic
that I think would make George Washington proud.
So you mentioned Department of Education,
but there's also the Department of Defense.
And there's a very large number of very powerful people
that have gotten used to,
and a budget that's increasing,
and the number of wars and military conflicts
that's increasing.
So if we could just talk about that.
So this is the number one priority.
It's like there's difficulty levels here.
The DOD would be probably the hardest.
So let's take that on.
What's your view on the military industrial complex,
Department of Defense, and wars in general?
So I think the Nanny State, I'm against it overall.
I'm against the foreign policy Nanny State as well.
Let me start from that as the starting off point and then I'll tell you about
my views on the DOD in our defense. First of all, I think that and I think that it was easy for
many people from the neocon school of thought to caricature my views with the media at their side,
but actually my own view is if it's in the interest of the United States of America to provide certain levels of protection
to US allies, we can do that as long as those allies actually pay for it.
And I think it's important for two reasons.
The less important reason, still important reason, the less important reason is it's
still money for us, right?
Well, it's not like we're swimming in a cash surplus right now.
We're at $34 trillion national debt and growing.
And I think pretty soon the
interest payments are going to be the largest line item in our own federal budget. So it's not like
we have money willy-nilly to just hand over for free. That's the less important reason though.
The more important reason is that it makes sure that our allies have actual skin in the game
to not have skewed incentives to actually enter conflicts
where they're not actually bearing the full cost of those conflicts.
So take NATO, for example.
Most NATO countries, literally a majority of NATO countries today, do not pay or contribute
2% of their GDP to their own national defense, which is supposedly a requirement
to be in NATO.
So majority of NATO countries are failing to meet their basic commitment to be in NATO
in the first place.
Germany particularly is, I think, arbitraging the hell out of the United States of America.
And I don't think that I'm not going to be some sort of shrill voice here saying, so
therefore, we should not be supporting any allies or providing security blankets.
I'm not going in that direction. What I would say is you got to pay for it, right?
Pay for your fissure, A, because we're not swimming in excess money ourselves.
But B, is it tells us that you actually have skin in the game for your own defense,
which actually then makes nations far more prudent in the risks that they take,
whether or not they enter war,
versus if somebody else is paying for it
and somebody else is providing our security guarantee,
hey, I might as well take the gamble
and see where I end up at the end of a war,
versus the restraint that that imposes
on the decision-making of those allies.
So now let's bring this home to the Department of Defense.
I think the top goal of the US defense policy establishment should be to provide for the
national defense of the United States of America. And the irony is that's what we're actually doing
most poorly. We're not really using, other than the Coast Guard, we're not really using the US
military to prevent crossings at our own southern border and crossings at our other borders. In fact,
the United States of America, our homeland,
I believe is less secure today than it
has been in a very long time.
Vulnerable to threats from hypersonic missiles,
where China and Russia, Russia certainly
has capabilities in excess of that of the United States.
Missiles, hypersonic means faster
than the speed of sound that could hit the United States,
including those carrying nuclear warheads.
We are more vulnerable to super EMP attacks, electromagnetic pulse attacks that could,
you know, without exaggeration, some of this could be from other nations. Some of these could even
be from solar flares, cause significant mass casualty in the United States of America.
The electric grid's gone. It's not an exaggeration to say if that happened, planes would be falling
out of the sky because our chips really depend on those electromagnetic, well, will be affected by those electromagnetic
pulses more vulnerable to cyber attacks.
I know this, oh, people start yawning and say, okay, boring stuff, super EMP cyber,
whatever.
No, actually, it is pretty relevant to whether or not you actually are facing the risk of
not getting your insulin because your refrigerator doesn't work anymore, or your food
can't be stored, or your car or your ability to fly in an airplane is impaired. Okay? So I think
that these are serious risks where our own national defense spending has been wholly inadequate. So
I'm not one of these people that says, oh, we decrease versus increase national defense spending.
We're not spending it in the right places. The number one place we need to be spending it is actually protecting our national defense
and I think protecting our own physical homeland. And I think we actually need an increase in
spending on protecting our own homeland, but that is different from the agenda of foreign
interventionism and foreign nanny state-ism for its own stake, where we should expect more and demand
more of our allies to provide for their own national defense
and then provide the relevant security guarantees
to allies where that actually advances the interests
of the United States of America.
So that's what I believe.
And I think this process has been corrupted
by what Dwight Eisenhower famously in his farewell address
called the military industrial complex in the United States.
But I think it's bigger than just the, you know, I think it's easy
to tell the tales of the financial corruption. It's a kind of cultural corruption and conceit
that just because a certain number of people in that expert class have a belief, that their belief
happens to be the right one because they can scare you with what the consequence would be if you
don't follow their advice. And one of the beauties of the United States
is at least in principle,
we have civilian control of the military.
The person who we elect to be the US president
is the one that actually is the true commander in chief.
I have my doubts of whether it operates that way.
I think it is quite obvious that Joe Biden
is not a functioning commander in chief
of the United States of America, yet on paper,
supposedly we still are supposed to call him that.
But at least in theory, we're supposed to have
civilian control of the US military.
And I think that one of the things that that leader
needs to do is to ask the question of, again, the mission.
What's the purpose of this US military in the first place?
At the top of the list should be to protect the homeland
and the people who actually live here,
which we're failing to do.
So that's where I land on that question.
Wait, okay.
There's a lot of stuff to ask.
First of all, on Joe Biden, you mean he's functioning not in control of the US military
because of the age factor or because of the nature of the presidency?
That's a good question.
I would say in his case, it's particularly accentuated because it's both.
In his case, I don't think anybody in America
anymore believes that Joe Biden is the functioning president of the United
States of America. How could he be? He wasn't even sufficiently functioning to
be the candidate after a debate that was held in June. There's no way he's gonna
be in a position to make the most important decisions on a daily and
demanding basis to protect the leading nation in the world. Now, more generally though, I think we have a deeper problem
that even when it's not Joe Biden,
in general, the people we elect to run the government
haven't really been the ones running the government.
It's been the unelected bureaucrats
in the bureaucratic deep state underneath
that's really been making the decisions.
I've done business in a number of places.
I've traveled to Japan.
There's an interesting corporate analogy.
Sometimes if you get outside of politics,
people can, I find, listen and pay attention a little bit
more because of politics.
It's so fraught right now that if you start talking
to somebody who disagrees with you about the politics of it,
you're just butting heads but not really making progress.
So let's just make the same point
but go outside of politics for a second. So I was traveling Japan, I was having a late night dinner
with a CEO of a Japanese pharmaceutical company. And it takes a while to really get them to open
up, culturally speaking, in Japan, a couple nights of karaoke and whatnot, maybe late night
restaurant, whatever it is.
Well, we built a good enough relationship
where he was very candid with me.
He said, I'm the CEO of the company.
I could go and find the head of a research unit
and tell him, okay, this is a project
we're no longer working on as a company.
We don't wanna spend money on it.
We're gonna spend money somewhere else.
And he'll look me in the eye and he'll say,
yes, sir, yes, sir.
I'll come back six months later and find that they're spending exactly the same amount of money on those exact same projects. And I'll tell him, No, we agreed. I told you
that you're not going to spend money on this project. And we have to stop now should have
stopped six months ago. Get a slap on the wrist for it. He says, Yes, sir. I'm sorry. Yes. No,
no, of course. That's correct. Come back six months later, same person
is spending the same money on the same project.
And here's why.
Historically in Japan, and I should say in Japan,
this is changing now.
It's changing now, but historically until very recently
and even to an extent now,
it's near impossible to fire people.
So if somebody works for you and you can't fire them,
that means they don't actually work for you.
It means in some deeper perverse sense, you work for them
because you're responsible for what they do
without any authority to actually change it.
So I think most people who've traveled in Japan
and Japanese corporate culture through the 1990s
and 2000s and 2010s, and maybe even some vestiges in the 2020s wouldn't really dispute what I just told you. Now, we're bringing
back to the more contentious terrain. I think that's basically how things have worked in the
executive branch of the federal government of the United States of America. You have these so-called
civil service protections on the books. Now, if you really read them carefully, I think that there are areas to
provide daylight for a truly constitutionally well-trained president to act. But apart from
those, that's a contrary view that I have that bucks conventional wisdom. But apart from that
caveat, in general, the conventional view has been the US president can't fire these people.
There's 4 million federal bureaucrats, 99.9% of them can't be touched by the person who the people who elected to run the executive branch
can't even fire those people. It's like the equivalent of that Japanese CEO. And so that
culture exists every bit as much in the federal bureaucracy of the United States of America,
as they did in Japanese corporate culture through the 1990s. And that's a lot of what's wrong with not just the way that our Department of Defense has run,
and our foreign policy establishment has run, but I think it applies to a lot of the domestic policy establishment as well.
And to come back to the core point, how are we going to save this republic?
This is the debate in the conservative movement right now.
This is a little bit, maybe a little bit spicy for some Republicans to sort of swallow right now.
And, you know, my top focus is making sure that we win the election. But let's just move the ball
forward a little bit and skate to where the puck is going here. Okay. Yes, let's say we win the
election all as well and Dandy, okay, what's the philosophy that determines how we govern?
There's a little bit of a fork in the road amongst conservatives, where there are those who believe
There's a little bit of a fork in the road amongst conservatives, where there are those who believe that the right answer now is to use that regulatory state and use those levers
of power to advance our own pro-conservative, pro-American, pro-worker goals.
And I'm sympathetic to all of those goals, but I don't think that the right way to do
it is to create a conservative regulatory
state that replaces a liberal regulatory state.
I think the right answer is actually to get in there and shut it down.
I don't want to replace the left-wing nanny state with a right-wing nanny state.
I want to get in there and actually dismantle the nanny state.
And I think it has been a long time in the United States, maybe ever in modern history, that we've had a conservative leader at the national level
who makes it their principle objective
to dismantle the nanny state in all of its forms,
the entitlement state, the regulatory state,
and the foreign policy nanny state.
That was a core focus of my candidacy.
One of the things that I wish, and this is on me,
not anybody else, that I should have done better
was to make that more crystal clear as a focus
without getting distracted by a lot of the shenanigans,
let's just say, that happen as side shows
during a presidential campaign,
but call that a lesson learned
because I do think it's what the country needs now more than ever.
Yeah, it's a really, really powerful idea.
It's actually something that Donald Trump ran on in 2016.
Drain the swamp.
Drain the swamp.
I think by most accounts, maybe you can disagree with me, he did not successfully do so.
He did fire a bunch of people, more than usual.
Can I say a word about the conditions he was operating in?
Because I think that's why I'm far more excited for this time around, is that a lot has changed
in the legal landscape.
So Donald Trump did not have the Supreme Court backdrop in 2016 that he does today.
So there's some really important cases that have come down from the Supreme Court. One is West Virginia versus EPA. I think it's probably the most important case of
our generation. In 2022, that came down and said that if Congress has not passed a rule into law
itself through the halls of Congress, and it relates to what they call a major question,
a major policy or economic question, it can't be done by the stroke of a pen by a regulator and an elected bureaucrat either. That quite
literally means most federal regulations today are unconstitutional. Then this year comes
down a different and big one, another big one from the Supreme Court in the Loper Bright
case, which held that historically for the last 50 years in this country, the doctrine has been,
it's called Chevron deference. It's a doctrine that says that federal courts have to defer
to an agency's interpretation of the law. They now toss that out the window and say, no, no,
the federal courts no longer have to defer to an agency's interpretation of what the law actually
is. The combination of those two cases is seismic in its impact for the regulatory state.
There's also another great case that came down was SEC versus Jarkusy.
And the SEC is one of these agencies that embodies everything we're talking about here.
The SEC, among other agencies, has tribunals inside that not only do they write the rules,
not only do they enforce those rules, they also have these
judges inside the agency that also interpret the rules and determine and dole out punishments.
That doesn't make sense with if you believe in separation of powers in the United States.
So the Supreme Court put an end to that and said that that practice at the SEC is unconstitutional.
Actually, as a side note, the Supreme Court has said countless practices and rules written by
the SEC, the EPA, the FTC in recent years were outright unconstitutional.
Think about what that means for a constitutional republic,
that supposedly these law enforcement agencies,
the courts have now said, especially this year,
the courts have now said that their own behaviors
actually break the law.
So the very agencies entrusted with supposedly enforcing
the law are actually behaving
with utter blatant disregard for the law itself.
That's un-American.
It's not tenable in the United States of America,
but thankfully we now have a Supreme Court
that recognizes that.
So, you know, whether or not we have a second Trump term,
no, that's up to the voters,
but even whether or not that now takes advantage
of that backdrop that the Supreme Court has given us
to actually gut the regulatory state, we'll find out.
I am optimistic.
I certainly think it's the best chance that we've had
in a generation in this country.
That's a big part of why I'm supporting Donald Trump
and why I'm gonna do everything in my power in this country. That's a big part of why I'm supporting Donald Trump and why I'm going to do everything in my power to help him. But I do think it is going to take a
spine of steel to see that through. And then after we've taken on the regulatory state,
I think that's the next step. But I do think there's this broader project of dismantling
the nanny state in all of its forms, the entitlement state, the regulatory state,
and the foreign policy in any state.
Three word answer, if I was to summarize my worldview and my presidential campaign in
three words, shut it down.
Shut it down.
Okay.
So the Supreme Court cases you mentioned, there's a lot of nuance there.
I guess it's weakening the immune system of the different departments.
Yeah, it's a good the immune system of the different departments.
Yeah, it's a good way of putting it.
Okay.
On the human psychology level,
so you basically kind of implied that for Donald Trump,
or for any president, the legal situation was difficult.
Is that the only thing really operating?
Like isn't it also just on a psychological level,
just hard to fire a very large number
of people? Is that what it is? Like, why? Is there a basic civility and momentum going
on?
I think it's one other factor. So you're right to point. I mean, the legal backdrop
is a valid, understandable excuse and reason. I think there are other factors at play too.
So I think there's something to be said for
never having been in government, showing up there the first time and you're having to understand the
rules of the road as you're operating within them and also having to depend on people who actually
aren't aligned with your policy vision but tell you to your face that they are. And so
I think that's one of the things that I've admired about President Trump is he's actually been very
open about that, very humble about that, to say that there's a million learnings from that first
term that make him ambitious and more ambitious in that second term. But everything I'm talking to
you about, this is what needs to happen in the country. It's not specific to Donald Trump. It
lays out what needs to be done in the country. There's the next four years,
Donald Trump is our last best hope and chance for moving that ball forward. But I think that
the vision I'm laying out here is one that hopefully goes even beyond just the next two
or four years of really fixing a century's worth of mistakes. I think we're gonna fix a lot of
them in the next four years of Donald Trump's president. But if you have a century's worth of mistakes that have accumulated with the overgrowth of the entitlement state in the US
I think it's gonna take you know, probably the better part of a decade at least to actually fix them
I disagree with you on both the last and the best hope
I Donald Trump is more likely to fire a lot of people
But is he the best person to do so?
We got two candidates, right?
People face a choice.
This is a relevant election.
One of my goals is to speak to people
who may not agree with 100% of what Donald,
who do not agree with 100% of what Donald Trump says.
And I can tell them, you know what?
I don't agree with 100% of what he says.
And I can tell you, as somebody who ran against him
for US president, that right now he is,
when I say the last best hope, I mean in this cycle,
the last best hope that we have
for dismantling that bureaucratic class.
And I think that I'm also open about the fact
that it's gonna take, this is a long run project,
but we have the next step to actually take over
the next few years.
That's kind of where I land on it. I mean, you talked to him, I guess, a few weeks ago. I saw you had a podcast with him,
right? What was your impression about his preparedness to do it?
My impression is his priority allocation was different than yours. I think he's
more focused on some of the other topics that you are also focused on.
Border laser focused on.
And there is a tension there, just as you've clearly highlighted, we share the same priority with respect
to the southern border. And that's that's it. Those are near
term fixes that we can hit out of the park in the first year.
But at the same time, I think we got to think also on decade long
time horizon. So my own view is, I think that I think that he it
is my conviction and belief that he does care about dismantling
that federal bureaucracy,
certainly more so than any Republican nominee we have had in certainly in my lifetime.
But I do think that there are going to be competing schools of thought where some will
say, okay, well, we want to create a right-wing entitlement state, right?
To shower federal subsidies on favored industries while keeping them away from disfavored industries
and new bureaucracies to administer them.
And I don't come from that school of thought.
I don't want to see the bureaucracy expand
in a pro-conservative direction.
I want to see the bureaucracy shrink in every direction.
And I do think that from my conversation with Donald Trump,
I believe that he is well aligned
with this vision of shrinking bureaucracy, but that's a longer-term project
There's so many priorities at play here though
I mean you really do have to do the Elon thing of walking into Twitter headquarters with a sink
right let that sink in that basically firing a very large number of people and
It's but it's not just about the firing, it's about setting clear missions
for the different departments that remain hiring back
because you overfire, hiring back based on meritocracy.
And it's a full-time, and it's not only full-time
in terms of actual time, it's full-time psychologically
because you're walking into a place,
unlike a company like
Twitter, an already successful company, in government, I mean, everybody around you,
all the experts and the advisors are going to tell you you're wrong.
And like, it's a very difficult psychological place to operate in because like you're constantly
the asshole.
And I mean, the, the certainty you have to have about what you're doing is just
like nearly infinite because everybody, all the really smart people are telling
you, no, this is a terrible idea, sir.
This is a terrible idea.
No, you, you have to have the spine of steel to cut through what that short term advice is
you're getting.
And I'll tell you, certainly, I intend to do whatever I can for this country, both in
the next four years and beyond.
But my voice on this will be crystal clear.
And President Trump knows that's my view on it.
And I believe he shares it deeply is that all all sequel, getting there and shutting down as much of
the excess bureaucracy as we can, do it as quickly as possible, and that's a big part of how we save
our country. Okay, I'll give you an example that's really difficult tension, given your priorities,
immigration. There's an estimated 14 million illegal immigrants in the United States.
million illegal immigrants in the United States. You've spoken about mass deportation. Yes.
That requires a lot of effort. Right.
Money. I mean, like, how do you do it? And how does that conflict with the shutting it down?
Sure. And so it goes back to that original discussion we had is what are the few proper
roles of the federal government? I gave you two. One is of the government period.
One is to protect the national borders
and sovereignty of the United States.
And two is to protect private property rights.
There's a lot else.
Most of what the government's doing today,
both at the federal and state level,
is something other than those two things.
But in my book, those are the two things
that are the proper function of government.
So for everything else
the federal government should not be doing,
the one thing they should be doing is to protect
the homeland of the United States of America
and the sovereignty and sanctity of our national borders.
So in that domain, that's mission aligned
with a proper purpose for the federal government.
I think we're a nation founded on the rule of law.
I say this as the kid of legal immigrants,
that means your first act of entering this country
cannot break the law.
And in some ways, if I was to summarize a formula for saving the country over the next four years,
it would be a tale of two mass deportations, the mass deportations of millions of illegals
who are in this country and should not be, and then the mass deportation of millions of
unelected federal bureaucrats out of Washington, DC. Now, all in all, you could say that those are
intention, but I think that
the reality is anything outside of the scope of what the core function of the government is,
which is protecting borders and protecting private property rights, that's really where I think the
predominant cuts need to be. And if you look at the number of people who are looking after the
border, it's not even 0.1% of the federal employee base today. So 75% isn't 99.99%. It's 75%, which still leaves
that it would still be a tiny fraction of the remaining 25%,
which I actually think needs to be more rather than less. So
it's a good question. But that's sort of where I land on when
it's a proper role of the federal government. Great. Act
and actually do your job. The irony is 99.99999% of those
resources are going to functions other
than the protection of private property rights and the protection of our national physical
protection. There is a lot of criticism of the idea of mass deportation though. So one,
fair enough, it will cause a large amount of economic harm, at least in the short term.
The other is there would be potentially violations
of our kind of higher ideals of how we like
to treat human beings, in particular,
separation of families, for example,
tearing families apart.
And the other is just like the logistical complexity
of doing something like this.
How do you answer some of those criticisms?
So fair enough, and I would would call those even not even criticisms,
but just thoughtful questions, right?
Even to somebody who's really aligned with doing this,
those are thoughtful questions to ask.
So I do want to say something about this point
on how we think about the breakage
of the rule of law in other contexts.
There were 350,000 mothers who were in prison
in the United States today who committed crimes
and were convicted
of them. They didn't take their kids with them to those prisons either, right? So we face difficult
trade-offs in all kinds of contexts as it relates to the enforcement of law. And I just want to make
that basic observation against the backdrop of if we're an Asian founded on the rule of law,
we acknowledge that there are trade-offs to enforcing the law. And we've acknowledged that
in other contexts. I don't think that we should have a special exemption for saying that somehow
we weigh the other way when it comes to the issue of the border. We're a nation founded
by the rule of law. We enforce laws that has costs, that has trade-offs, but it's who we are.
So that backdrop is in the easiest fact I can cite is 350,000 or so mothers who are in prison and did not take their kids
to prison with them.
Is that bad?
Is it undesirable for the kids to grow up
without those 350,000 mothers?
It is, but it's a difficult situation created
by people who violated the law
and faced the consequences of it,
which is also a competing and important priority
in the country.
So that's in the domestic context.
As it relates to this question of mass deportations, let's just get very practical because all
that was theoretical.
Very practically, there's ways to do this starting with people who have already broken
the law, people who have not just broken the law of entering but are committing other crimes
while already here in the United States.
That's a clear case for an instant mass deportation.
You have a lot of people who haven't integrated into their communities. You think about the economic impact of this. A lot of people are
in detention already. A lot of those people should be immediately returned to their country of origin,
or at least what is called a safe third country. So safe third country means even if somebody's
claiming to seek asylum from political persecution, we'll move them to another country that doesn't
have to be the United States of America that they passed through, say Mexico, before actually coming here.
Other countries around the world are doing this.
Australia is detaining people.
They don't let them out and live a normal, joyful life because they came to the country.
They detain them until their case is adjudicated.
Well, the rates of fraud in Australia of what people lie about what their conditions are
is way lower now than in the United States because people respond to those incentives. So I think that in some ways, people make this sound
much bigger and scarier than it needs to be. I've ever taken a deeply pragmatic approach.
And the North Star for me is I want the policy that helps the United States citizens who are
already here. What's that policy? Clearly, that's going to be a policy that includes a large number
of deportations. I think by definition, it's going to be the largest mass deportation in American history.
Sounds like a punchline at a campaign rally, but actually it's just a factual statement
that says if we've had the by far largest influx of illegal immigrants in American history,
it just stands to reason.
It's logic that, okay, if we're going to fix that, we're going to have the largest mass
deportation in American history.
And we can be rational.
Start with people who are breaking the law in other ways here in the United States,
start with people who are already in detention
or entering detention now.
That comes at no cost and strict benefit.
There isn't even a little bit of an economic trade-off.
Then you get to areas where you would say,
okay, the costs actually continue to outweigh the benefits.
And that's exactly the way our policy should be guided here.
I wanna do it in as respectful and as humane of a manner as possible.
The reality is, I think one of the things we've got to remember, to give you the example
I gave with the Haitian case in Springfield, a town that I spent a lot of time in growing
up in Ohio.
I lived about an hour from there today.
I don't blame the individual Haitians who came here.
I'm not saying that they're bad people
because in that particular case,
those weren't even people who broke the law in coming here.
They came as part of a program
called temporary protective status.
Now the operative word there is the first one, temporary.
They have been all kinds of lawsuits.
There have been all kinds of lawsuits for people who,
even eight, 10, 12, 14 years after the earthquake in Haiti, where many of them came, when they're going to be removed, there
are allegations of racial discrimination or otherwise.
No, temporary protective status means it's temporary and we're not abandoning the rule
of law when we send them back.
We're abandoning the rule of law when we let them stay.
Now if that has a true benefit to the United States of America, economically or otherwise,
go through the paths that allow somebody to enter this country for economic reasons, but
don't do it through asylum-based claims or temporary protected status.
I think one of the features of our immigration system right now is it is built on a lie and
it incentivizes lying.
The reason is the arguments for keeping people in the country, if those are economic reasons, but the people actually entered
using claims of asylum or refugee status, those two things don't match up.
So just be honest about what our immigration system actually is.
I think we do need dramatic reforms to the legal immigration system
to select purposely for the people who are going to actually improve the United States of America.
I think there are many people, I know some of them, right? I gave a story of one guy who I met,
who was educated at our best universities or among our best universities. He went to Princeton,
he went to Harvard Business School, he has a great job in the investment community,
he was a professional tennis player, he was a concert pianist, he could do a Rubik's Cube
in less than a minute. I'm not making this stuff up, these are hard facts. He can't get a green card in the United States.
He's been here for 10 years or something like this.
He asked me for the best advice I could give him.
I unfortunately could not give him the actual best advice,
which would be to just take a flight to Mexico and cross the border
and claim to be somebody who is seeking asylum in the United States.
That would have been morally wrong advice, so I didn't give it to him.
But practically, if you were giving them advice,
that would be the best advice
that you actually could give somebody,
which is a broken system on both sides.
People who are gonna make those contributions
to the United States and pledge allegiance
to the United States and speak our language and assimilate,
we should have a path for them to be able
to add value to the United States.
Yet they're not the ones who are getting in.
It's actually the people, our immigration system
selects for people who are willing to lie. That's what it does, selects for people who are willing
to see they're seeking refugee status or seeking asylum when in fact they're not.
And then we have policymakers who lie after the fact using economic justifications to keep them
here. But if it was an economic justification, that should have been the criteria used to bring
them in the first place, not this illusion of asylum or refugee status. There was a case,
actually, even the New York Times reported on this, believe it or not,
of a woman who came from Russia fleeing Vladimir Putin's intolerant LGBT, anti LGBTQ regime.
She was fleeing persecution by the evil man Putin.
She came here and eventually when she was pressed on the series of lies, it came out that,
and she was crying finally when she broke down
and admitted this, she was like, I'm not even gay.
I don't even like gay people.
That's what she said.
And yet she was pretending to be some sort of LGBTQ advocate
who was persecuted in Russia, when in fact,
it was just somebody who was seeking better economic
conditions in the United States.
I'm not saying you're wrong to seek better economic conditions
in the United States, but you are wrong to lie about it.
And that's what you're seeing a lot of people
even in this industry of sort of quote unquote
tourism to the United States.
They're having their kids in the United States,
they go back to their home country,
but their kids enjoy birthright citizenship.
That's built on a lie.
You have people claiming to suffer from persecution.
In fact, they're just working in the United States
and then living in these relative mansions
in parts of Mexico or Central America
after they've spent four or five years making money here.
Just abandon the lie.
Let's just have an immigration system built on honesty.
Just tell the truth.
If the argument is that we need more people here
for economically filling jobs, I'm skeptical
the extent to which a lot of those arguments
actually end up being true,
but let's have that debate in the open
rather than having it through the back door
saying that it's refugee in asylum status
when we know it's a lie.
And then we justify it after the fact
by saying that that economically helps
the United States cut the dishonesty.
And I just think that that is a policy
we would do well to expand every sphere.
We talk about from the military industrial complex
to the rise of the managerial class,
to a lot of what our governments covered up
about our own history,
to even this question of immigration today.
Just tell the people the truth.
And I think our government would be better serving
our people if it did.
Yeah, in the way you describe,
eloquently the immigration system is broken
in that way that is built fundamentally on lies.
But there's the other side of it,
you know, illegal immigrants are used in political
campaigns for fear mongering, for example. So what I would like to understand is, what
is the actual harm that illegal immigrants are causing? So the claim, one of the more
intense claims is of crime. And, you't, I haven't studied this rigorously,
but sort of the surface level studies all show that
legal and illegal immigrants commit less crime
than America, US forces.
I think that is true for legal immigrants.
I think it's not true for illegal immigrants.
That's not what I saw.
So I, in sort of in this,
this part of why I wrote this
book, okay, and the book is called Truths. So better darn well have well-sourced facts in here,
right? Can't be, can't be made up hypotheses, hard truths. And there's a chapter, even in my own
research on it, Lex, I mean, I know a lot about this issue from my time as a presidential candidate,
but even in writing the chapter on the border here, I learned a lot from a lot of different dimensions and some of which even caused me to
revise some of my premises going into it. Okay. My main thesis in that chapter is,
forget the demonization of illegal or legal immigrants or whatever, as you put it, right?
Fear mongering, just put all that to one side. I want an immigration system that is built on honesty. Identify what the objective is.
We could debate the objective. We might have different opinions on the objectives.
Some people may say the objective is the economic growth of the United States. I
air that argument in this book. And I think that that's insufficient personally. Personally, I think
you need the United States is more than just an economic zone. It is a country. It is a nation
bound together by civic ideals. I think we need to screen not just for immigrants who are going to
make economic contributions, but those who speak our language, those who are able to assimilate,
and those who share those civic ideals and know the US history even better than the average US
citizen who's here.
That's what I believe.
But even if you disagree with me and say,
no, no, no, the sole goal is economic production
in the United States,
then at least have an immigration system
that's honest about that,
rather than one which claims to solve for that goal
by bringing in people who are rewarded for being a refugee.
We should reward the people in that model,
which is, I don't even think should be the whole. We should reward the people in that model,
which is, I don't even think should be the whole model.
But even if that were your model,
reward the people who are demonstrated,
have demonstrably proven
that they would make economic contributions
to the United States,
not the people who have demonstrated
that they're willing to lie to achieve a goal.
And right now, our immigration system,
if it rewards one quality over any other,
if there's one parameter that it rewards over any other, it isn't civic allegiance to the United States,
it isn't fluency in English, it isn't the ability to make an economic contribution to
this country.
The number one attribute, human attribute that our immigration system rewards is whether
or not you are willing to lie.
And the people who are telling those lies about whether they're seeking asylum or not,
are the ones who are most likely to get in. And the people who are most unwilling to tell those
lies are the ones who are actually not getting in. That is a hard, uncomfortable truth about our
immigration system. And the reason is, is the law says you only get asylum if you're going to face
bodily harm or near-term risk of bodily injury based on your religion, your ethnicity or
certain other factors. And so when you come into the country,
you're asked, do you fulfill that criteria or not? And the
number one way to get into this country is to check the box and
say yes. So that means just systematically, right? Imagine
if you're at University of Harvard or Yale or whatever,
you're running your admissions process. The number one
attribute you're selecting
for isn't your SAT score isn't your GPA isn't your athletic
accomplishments. It's whether or not you're willing to lie on
the application. You're gonna have a class populated by a
bunch of charlatans and frauds. That's exactly what our
immigration system is doing to the United States of America is
it is literally selecting for the people who are willing to
lie. Let's say you have somebody who's a person of integrity says, okay, I want a better life for my family,
but I want to teach my kids that I'm not going to lie or break the law to do it.
That person is infinitely less likely to get into the United States. I know it sounds
provocative to frame it that way, but it is not an opinion. It is a fact that that is the number one
human attribute that our current immigration system is selecting for.
I want an immigration system centered on honesty.
In order to implement that, we require acknowledging
what the goals of our immigration system
are in the first place.
And there we have competing visions on the right, okay?
Amongst conservatives, there's a rift.
Some conservatives believe,
I respect them for their honesty, I disagree with them,
believe that the goal of the immigration system should be to in part protect American
workers from the effects of foreign wage competition.
That if we have immigrants, it's going to bring down prices and we need to protect
American workers from the effects of that downward pressure on wages.
It's a goal.
It's a coherent goal.
I don't think it's the right goal, but many of my friends on the right believe that's
a goal, but at least it's honest and then we can design an honest immigration system to achieve that goal,
if that's their goal. I have other friends on the right that say the sole goal is economic growth.
Nothing else matters. I disagree with that as well. My view is the goal should be whatever enriches the
civic quality of the United States of America. That includes those who know the language,
know our ideals, pledge allegiance to those ideals, and also are willing to make economic
contributions to the country, which is one of our ideals as well. But whatever it is,
we can have that debate. I have a very different view. I don't think it's a proper role of
immigration policy to make it a form of labor policy because the United States of America is
founded on excellence. We should be able to compete. But that's a policy debate we can have.
But right now, we're not even able to have the policy debate because the whole immigration policy
is built on not only a lie, but on rewarding those who do lie. And that's what I want to see change.
There just to linger a little bit on the demonization and to bring Ann Coulter into
the picture, her, which I recommend people should listen to your conversation with her.
I haven't listened to her much, but she had this thing where she's clearly admires and
respects you as a human being.
And she's basically saying, you're one of the good ones.
And this idea that you had this brilliant question of like, what does it mean to be
an American? And she basically said, not you, Vivek.
She said, well, maybe you, but not people like you.
So that whole kind of approach to immigration,
I think is really anti-Murdochratic.
And even anti-American.
Anti-American, yeah.
So I wanna confront this directly
because it is a popular current on the American right.
The reason I'm not picking on Ann Coulter specifically
is I think actually it's a much more widely shared view.
And I just give her at least credit
for willing to articulate it.
A view that the blood and soil is
what makes for your American identity,
your genetic lineage.
And I just reject that view.
I think it's anti-American. I think what makes for your American identity, your genetic lineage. And I just reject that view. I think it's anti-American. I think what makes for an American identity is your allegiance,
your unabiding allegiance to the founding ideals of this country and your willingness
to pledge allegiance to those ideals. So those are two different views. I think that there is
a view on the American right right now that says that we're not a creedal nation,
that our nation is not about a creed, it's about a physical place and a physical homeland.
I think that view fails on several accounts. Obviously, we're a nation, every nation has
to have a geographic space that defines its own. So obviously, we are among other things
a geographic space. But the essence of the United States of America, I think, is the common creed,
the ideals that hold that common nation together.
Without that, a few things happen.
First of all, American exceptionalism becomes impossible, and I'll tell you why.
Every other nation is also built on the same idea.
Most nations have been built on common blood and soil arguments, genetic stock of, you
know, Italy or Japan would have a stronger national identity than
the United States in that case, because they have a much
longer standing claim on what their genetic lineage really
was. The ethnicity of the people is far more pure in those in
those contexts than in the United States. So that's the
first reason American exceptionalism becomes
impossible. The second is there's all kinds of contradictions that then start to emerge.
If your claim on American identity is defined based on how long you've been here,
well, then the Native Americans would have a far greater claim of being American than somebody
who came here on the Mayflower or somebody who came here afterwards. Now, maybe that blood and
soil views are, no, it's not quite the Native Americans.
You only have to start at this point and end at this point.
So on this view of blood and soil identity has to be okay.
You couldn't have come before a certain year,
then it doesn't count.
But if you came after a certain year, it doesn't count either.
That just becomes highly uncompelling
as a view of what American national identity actually is,
versus my view that American national identity is grounded
on whether or not you pledge allegiance to the ideals codified in the Declaration of Independence and actualized in the US
Constitution. And you know, it's been said, some of my friends on the right have said things like,
you know, people will not die for a set of ideals. People won't fight for abstractions
or abstract ideals. I actually disagree with that. The American
Revolution basically disproves that. The American Revolution was fought for anything over abstract
ideals that said that, you know what, we believe in self-governance and free speech and free
exercise of religion. That's what we believe in the United States, which was different from
old world England. So I do think that there is this brewing debate on the right. And do I
disagree like hell with Ann Coulter on this?
Absolutely.
And did I take serious issue with some of the things she told me?
Absolutely.
But I also believe that she had the stones to say, if I may say it that way, the things
that many on the right believe, but haven't quite articulated in the way that she has.
And I think we need to have that debate in the open.
Now personally, I think most of the conservative movement
actually is with me on this,
but I think it's become a very popular
counter-narrative in the other direction to say that,
your vision of American identity is tied,
is far more physical in nature.
And to me, I think it is still ideals-based in nature.
And I think that that's a good debate for the future,
for us to have in the conservative movement.
And I think it's going to be a defining feature of, you know,
what direction the conservative movement goes in the future.
A quick pause, Bethelbrink.
Yeah.
Let me ask you to, again,
steal me on the case for and against Trump.
So my biggest criticism for him is the fake election scheme,
the 2020 election and actually the 2020 election in the way you formulated
in the Nation of Victims,
it's just the entirety of that process
instead of focusing on winning,
doing a lot of whining.
I like people that win, not whine,
even when the refs are biased in whatever direction.
So look, I think the United States of America,
I preach this to the left, I preach it to my kids.
We gotta accept it on our own side too.
We're not gonna save this country by being victims,
we're gonna save this country by being victorious, okay?
And I don't care whether it's left-wing victimhood,
right-wing victimhood, I'm against victimhood culture.
The number one factor that determines whether
you achieve something in life is you.
I believe that's not the only factor that matters.
There's a lot of other factors that affect
whether or not you succeed.
Life is not fair.
But I tell my kids the same thing.
The number one factor that determines
whether or not you succeed in achieving your goal is you.
If I tell it to my kids and I preach it to the left,
I'm gonna preach that to our own side as well.
Now, that being said, that's just a philosophy. Okay, that's a personal philosophy.
You asked me to do something different and I'm always a fan. One of the things that the standard
I hope that people hold me to when they read this book as well as I try to do that in this book is
to give the best possible argument for the other side. You don't want to give some rinky dink argument
for the other side and knock it down. You want to give the best possible argument for the other side
and then offer your own view or else you don't understand your own.
So you ask me, what's the strongest case
against Donald Trump?
Well, I ran for US president against Donald Trump.
So I'm going to give you what my perspective is.
I think it's nothing of what you hear on MSNBC
or from the left attacking him to be a threat to democracy.
I think all of that's actually nonsense.
I actually think it is, if you were making that case, and here's my full support as you know, but if you were making that case, I think for many voters who are of the next generation,
they're asking a question about how are you going to understand the position that I'm in
as a member of a new generation, the same criticism they had of Biden, they could say, Oh, well, are you too old? Are you from a
different generation that's too far removed from my generation's concerns? And I think
that that's, in many ways, a factor that weighs on that was weighing on both Trump and Biden.
But when they played the trick of swapping out Joe Biden, it left that issue much more
on the table for Donald Trump. So you're asking me to
steel man it? That's what I would say is that when I look at what's the number one issue
that I would need to persuade independent voters of to say that, no, no, no, this is still the
right choices. Even though the other side claims to offer a new generation of leadership, here's
somebody who is, you know, one of the older presidents we all have had who was elected.
How do we convince those people to vote for him? That's what I would give you in that category.
Right. But I get it.
And you share a lot of ideas with Donald Trump.
So I get when you're running for president that you would say that kind of thing.
But there's, you know, there's other criticism you could provide.
And again, on the 2020 election.
Let me ask you, I mean, you spoke to Donald Trump recently.
What's your top objection to potentially voting
for Donald Trump?
And let me see if I can address that.
The 2020 election and not in the, what is it?
TDS kind of objection.
It's just, I don't think there's clear definitive evidence
that there was was voter fraud.
Let me ask you about a different area.
Hold on a second, hold on a second, hold on a second.
I think there's a lot of interesting topics
about the influence of media, of tech, and so on.
But I want a president that has a good, clear relationship
with the truth and knows what truth is,
what is true, and what is not true.
And moreover, I want a person who doesn't play victim,
like you said, who focuses on winning and winning big,
and if they lose, like walk away with honor
and win bigger next time.
Or like channel that into growth and winning,
winning in some other direction.
So just like the strength of being able
to give everything you got to win
and walk away with honor if you lose.
And everything that happened around 2020 election
is just goes against that to me.
So I'll respond to that.
Sure.
Obviously I'm not the candidate,
but I'm gonna give you my perspective nonetheless.
I think we have seen some growth from Donald Trump over that first term and the experience
of the 2020 election. And you hear a lot of that on the campaign trail. I heard a lot of that even
in the conversation that he had with you. I think he is more ambitious for that second term
than he was for that first term. So I thought that was the most interesting part
of what you just said is you're looking for somebody
who has growth from their own experiences.
Say what you will, I have seen personally, I believe,
some meaningful level of personal growth and ambition
for what Donald Trump hopes to achieve for the country
in the second term that he wasn't able to
for one reason or another. COVID, you could put a lot of different things on it, but in that first term. Now,
I think the facts of the backdrop of the 2020 election actually really do matter. I don't think
you can isolate one particular aspect of criticizing the 2020 election without looking at it holistically. On the eve of the 2020 presidential election, we saw a systematic,
bureaucratically and government aided suppression of probably the single most important piece of
information released in the eve of that election, the Hunter Biden laptop story, revealing
potentially a compromised US presidential candidate. His family was compromised by foreign interests,
and it was suppressed as misinformation by every major tech company. The New York Post had its own Twitter account locked at that time. And we now know that many of the censorship decisions made
in the year 2020 were actually made at behest of US bureaucratic actors in the deep state,
threatening those tech companies to do it,
or else those tech companies would face consequence. I think it might be the most
undemocratic thing that's happened in the history of our country, actually, is the way in which
government actors who were never elected to the government used private sector actors to suppress
information on the eve of an election that based on polling afterwards
likely did influence the outcome
of the 2020 presidential election.
That was election interference of the highest order.
So I think that that's just a hard fact
that we have to contend with.
And I think a lot of what you've heard
in terms of complaints about the 2020 election,
whatever those complaints have been,
take place against the backdrop
of large technology companies interfering in that election in a way that I think did have an impact on the outcome.
I personally believe the Hunter Biden laptop story had not been suppressed and censored. I think Donald Trump would have been unambiguous.
I think the president of the United States right now would be Donald Trump. No doubt about it in my mind.
If you look at polling before and after and the impact that would have had on the independent voter. Now you look at,
okay, let's talk about constructive solutions because I care about moving the country forward.
What is a constructive solution to this issue of concerns about election integrity?
Here's one. Single day voting on election day as a national holiday with paper ballots
and government issued voter ID to match the voter file.
I favor that. We do it even in Puerto Rico, which is the territory of the United States.
Why not do that everywhere in the United States? And I'll make a pledge. I'll do it right here.
Right? My pledge is as a leader in our movement, I will do everything in my power to make sure we are done complaining about stolen elections
if we get to that simple place
of basic election security measures.
I think they'd be unifying too,
make election day a national holiday
that unites us around our civic purpose one day.
Single day voting on election day as a national holiday
with paper ballots and government issued voter ID
to match the voter file. Let's get there as a
country and you have my word. I will lead our movement in whatever way I can to make sure we
are done complaining about stolen elections and fake ballots. And I think that the fact that you
see resistance to that proposal, which is otherwise very practical, very reasonable, nonpartisan proposal.
I think the fact of that resistance actually provokes a lot of understandable skepticism.
Understandable skepticism of, okay, what else is actually going on?
If not, if not that, what exactly is going on here?
Well, I think I agree with a lot of things you said.
Probably disagree, but it's hard to disagree
with a Hunter Biden laptop story,
whether that would have changed the results
of the election. We can't know, obviously.
I looked at some post-election polling
about the views that that would have had,
and I can't prove that to you,
but that's my instinct, that's my opinion.
I think there's probably, that's just one example,
It's my opinion. I think there's probably, that's just one example,
maybe a sexy example of a bias in the complex of the media.
And there's bias in the other direction too,
but probably there's bias.
It's hard to characterize bias as one of the problems.
Let me ask you one question about,
because bias is one thing, bias in reporting.
Censorship is another.
So I would be open-minded to hearing
an instance of, and if I did hear it, I would condemn it, of the government systematically
ordering tech companies to suppress information that was favorable to Democrats, suppress that
information to lift up Republicans. If there was an instance that we know of government bureaucrats that were ordering technology
companies covertly to silence information that voters otherwise would have had to advantage
Republicans at the ballot box to censor it, I would be against that. And I would condemn
that with equal force as I do to the suppression of the Hunter Biden laptop story,
suppression and censorship of the origin of COVID-19.
All happened in 2020, these are hard facts.
I'm not aware of one instance.
If you are aware of one, let me know,
because I would condemn it.
Most people in tech companies are privately,
their political persuasion is on the left,
and most journalists, majority of journalists
are on the left.
But to characterize the actual reporting
and the impact of the reporting in the media
and the impact of the censorship is difficult to do.
But that's a real problem,
just like we talked about a real problem in immigration.
But there's two different problems,
I just wanna sort them out, right?
Cause I have a problem with both.
You talked about two issues.
I think both are important, but they're different issues.
One is bias in reporting.
One is censorship of information.
So bias in reporting, I felt certainly
the recent presidential debate moderated by ABC was biased
in the way that it was conducted.
But that's a different issue from saying
that voters don't get access to information
through any source.
So this Hunter Biden laptop story,
we now know that it contains evidence
of foreign interference in potentially
the Biden administration,
their families incentive structure.
That story was systematically suppressed.
So in the United States of America, if you wanted to find that on the internet through
any major social media platform or through even Google search, that story was suppressed
or downplayed algorithmically that you couldn't see it.
Even on Twitter, if you tried to send it via direct message, that's the equivalent of email,
sending a peer-to-peer message, they blocked you from even being able to send that story using private messages. That I think is a different level of concern. That's not bias at that point.
That's outright interference in whether or not, that's outright interference in the election.
Let's do a thought experiment here. Let's suppose that Russia
orchestrated that. What would the backlash be? Let's say the Russian government orchestrated
the US election. They interfered in it by saying that tech companies, they worked with them covertly to stop US citizens from being able to see information on the evenment election.
There would be a mass uproar in this country if the Russian government orchestrated that.
Well, if actors in the US government bureaucracy or the US technology industry bureaucracy
orchestrated the same thing, then we can't apply a different standard to say that if Russia did it,
it's really bad and interfered in our election. But if it happened right here in the United States
of America, and by the way, they blamed Russia for it falsely on the Russian disinformation of
the Hunter-Bine laptop story that was false claim.
We have to apply the same standard in both cases.
And so the fact that if that were Russian interference, it would have been an outcry,
but now it happened domestically and we just call that, hey, it's a little bit of bias
ahead of an election.
I don't think that that's a fair characterization of how important that event was.
Okay.
So the connection of government to platform should not exist.
Government, FBI, or anybody else should not be able
to pressure platforms to censor information, yes.
We could talk about Paula Durov and the censorship there.
There should not be any censorship
and there should not be media bias
and your right to complain if there is media bias
and we can lay it out in the open
and try to fix that system.
That said, the voter fraud thing,
you can't right a wrong by doing another wrong.
You can't just, if there's some shitty, shady stuff
going on in the media and the censorship complex,
you can't just make shit up.
You can't do the fake electric scheme
and then do a lot of shady, crappy behavior
during January 6th and try to like shortcut your way.
Just because your friend is cheating a monopoly
when you're playing Monopoly, you can't cheat.
You shouldn't cheat yourself.
You should be honest and like with honor
and use your platform to help fix the system versus like
cheat your way.
So here's my view is, has any US politician ever been perfect throughout the course of
American history?
No.
But do you want to if you want to understand the essence of what was going around in 2020,
the mindset of the country.
We had a year where people in
this country were systematically locked down, told to shut up, sit down, do as they're told,
unless they're BLM or anti-fariators, in which case it's perfectly fine for them to burn cities down.
We were told that we're going to have an election, a free and fair election, and then they were
denied information systematically heading into that election, which was really important and,
in this case, damning information about one of the parties.
And then you tell these people
that they still have to continue to shut up and comply.
That creates, I think, a real culture
of deep frustration in the United States of America.
And I think that the reaction to systematic censorship
is never good.
History teaches us that.
It's not good in the United States.
It's not good at other points in the history of the United States. The reaction to systematic
coordinated censorship and restraints on the freedom of a free people is never good.
And if you want to really understand what happened, one really wants to get to the bottom of it rather
than figuring out who to point fingers at. That really was the essence of the national malaise at the end of
2020 is it was a year of unjust policies, including COVID-19 lockdowns, systematic lies about it,
lies about the election that created a level of public frustration that I think was understandable.
Now, the job of leaders is to how do you channel that
in the most productive direction possible.
And to your question, you know,
to the independent voter out there evaluating as you are,
do I think that Donald Trump has exhibited a lot of growth
based on his experience in his first term
and what he hopes to achieve in his second term?
I think the answer is absolutely yes.
And so even if you don't agree with everything
that he's said or done in the choice ahead of us in this election, I still believe he's unambiguously
the best choice to revive that sense of national pride and also prosperity in our country.
So people aren't in the condition where they're suffering at behest of government policies that
leave them angry and channel that anger in other unproductive ways. No, the best way to do it is actually actions do speak louder than words,
implement the policies that make people's lives better. And I do think that that's the next step
of how we best save the country. Are you worried if in this election,
it's a close election and Donald Trump loses by a whisker,
that there's chaos that's unleashed.
And how do we minimize the chance of that?
I mean, I don't think that that's a concern
to frame narrowly in the context of Donald Trump winning it
or losing it by a whisker.
I think this is a man who, in the last couple of months,
in a span of two months,
has faced two assassination attempts.
And we're not talking about theoretical attempts,
we're talking about like gunshots fired.
That is history changing in the context of American history.
We haven't seen that in a generation.
And yet now that has become normalized in the US.
So do I worry we're skating on thin ice as a country?
I do. I do think it is
a little bit strange to obsess over our national or media concerns over Donald Trump, when in fact,
he's the one on the receiving end of fire from assailants who reportedly are saying exactly the
kinds of things about him that you hear from the
Democratic machine. And I do think that it is irresponsible, at least, for the Democratic
Party to make their core case against Donald Trump. And Joe Biden's entire message for
you is that he's a threat to democracy and to the existence of America. Well, if you
keep saying that about somebody against the backdrop conditions that we
live in as a country, I don't think that's good for a nation. And so do I have concerns about the
future of the country? Do I think we're skating on thin ice? Absolutely. And I think the best way
around it is really through it. Through it in this election, win by a landslide. I think a unifying
landslide could be the best thing that happens for this country, like Reagan delivered in 1980. And then again, in 1984, and in a very practical note, a landslide
minus some shenanigans is still going to be a victory. That I think is how we unite this
country. And so I don't think, you know, 50.001 margin where cable news is declaring the winner
six days after the election, I don't think that's going to be good for the country.
I think a decisive victory that unites the country turns the page on a lot of
the challenges of the last four years and says, okay, this is where we're going.
This is who we are and what we stand for.
This is a revival of our national identity and
revive national pride in the United States.
Regardless of whether you're a Democrat or Republican,
that I think is achievable in this election too. And that's what the outcome I'm rooting for.
So just to pile on, since we're steelmanian, the criticism against Trump is the rhetoric.
I wish there was less of, although at times it is so ridiculous, it is entertaining. The I hate Taylor Swift type of tweets or truths or whatever.
I don't think that's-
He's a funny guy.
I mean, the reality is different people
have different attributes.
One of the attributes for Donald Trump is
he's one of the funnier presidents we've had in a long time.
That might not be everybody's cup of tea.
Maybe it's different people don't want,
that's not a quality they value in their president.
I think at a moment where you're also able to make,
I will say this much, is everybody's got different styles.
Donald Trump's style is different from mine.
But I do think that if we're able to use levity
in a moment of national division,
and in some ways I think right now is probably a role
where really good standup comedians
could probably do a big service to
the country if they're able to laugh at everybody 360 degrees
so they can go up there and make fun of Donald Trump all they
want do it in a light hearted and manner that loves the
country do the same thing to Kamala Harris and with an equal
standard. I think that's actually good for the country.
But you know, I think I'm I'm more interested Lex as you know
and discussing the future direction of the country my own
views I was a presidential candidate who ran against Donald Trump, by the way,
and is supporting him now. But I just prefer engaging on the substance of what I think each
candidate is going to achieve for the country, rather than picking on really the personal
attributes of either one. I'm not criticizing Kamala Harris's manner of laugh or whatever.
One might criticize as a
personal attribute of hers that you may hear elsewhere. And I just think our country is
better off if we have a focus on both the policies, but also who's going to be more
likely to revive the country. That I think is a healthy debate headed into an election.
I think everybody has their personality attributes, their flaws, what makes them funny and lovable to
some people makes them irritating to others.
I think that that matters less heading into an election.
I love that you do that. I love that you focus on policy and can speak for hours on policy. Let's look at foreign policy.
Sure.
What kind of peace deal do you think is possible, feasible, optimal in Ukraine?
If you sat down, you became president,
if you sat down with Zelensky and sat down with Putin,
what do you think is possible to talk to them about?
One of the hilarious things you did,
which were intense and entertaining,
your debates in the primary,
but anyway, is how you grow the other candidates
that didn't know any regions. They wanted to send money and troops and lead to the deaths
of hundreds of thousands of people and they didn't know any of the regions in Ukraine.
You had a lot of zingers in that one. But anyway, how do you think about negotiating with world
leaders about what's going
on there? Yeah, so look, I think that let's just get the self-interest of each party on the table,
and to be very transparent about it. From everyone's perspective, you know, they think the
other side is the aggressor or whatever, just get it on the table. Russia is concerned about NATO shifting the balance of power
away from Russia to Western Europe
when NATO has expanded far more than they expected to.
And frankly, that Russia was told
that NATO was gonna expand.
It's an uncomfortable fact for some in America,
but James Baker made a commitment to Mikhail Gorbachev
in the early 90s, where he said NATO would expand
not one inch past East Germany.
Well, NATO has expanded far more after the fall of the USSR
than it did during the existence of the USSR.
And that is a reality we have to contend with.
That's the Russian perspective.
From the Western perspective, the hard fact is
Russia was the aggressor in this conflict,
crossing the boundaries of a sovereign nation.
And that is a violation of international norms.
And it's a violation of the recognition of international law. Nations without borders are not sovereign nation. And that is a violation of international norms. And it's a violation of the recognition
of international law of nations without borders
are not a nation.
And so against that backdrop, what's
the actual interest of each country here?
I think if we're able to do a reasonable deal that gives
Russia the assurances it needs about what they might allege
is NATO expansionism violating prior commitments,
but get codified
commitments for Russia that we're not going to see willy-nilly behavior of just randomly
deciding they're going to violate the sovereignty of neighboring nations and have hard assurances
and consequences for that. That's the beginnings of a deal. But then I want to be ambitious for
the United States. I want to weaken the Russia-China alliance. And I think that we can do a deal that requires,
that gives some real gives to Russia,
conditioned on Russia withdrawing itself
from its military alliance with China.
And this could be good for Russia too, in the long run,
because right now Vladimir Putin does not enjoy
being Xi Jinping's little brother in that relationship,
but Russia's military combined with China's naval capacity
and Russia's hypersonic missiles and China's economic might, together those countries in
an alliance pose a real threat to the United States. But if as a condition for a reasonable
discussion about where different territories land given what's occupied right now,
hard requirements that Russia remove its military presence from the Western Hemisphere.
People forget this.
Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua, we don't want a Russian military presence in the Western
Hemisphere.
That too would be a win for the United States.
No more joint military exercises with China off the coast of the Aleutian Islands.
The kinds of wins that the United States wants to protect the West's security, get Russia
out of the Western Hemisphere, certainly out of the North American periphery, and then also make sure that Russia's no longer in that military
alliance with China. In return for that, able to provide Russia some things that are important to
Russia. We'd have to have a reasonable discussion about what the territorial concessions would be
at the end of this war to bring it to peace and resolution. And what the guarantees are to make
sure that NATO is going to not expand beyond the scope of what the United States has at least historically guaranteed.
That I think together would be a reasonable deal that gives every party what they're looking for,
that results in immediate peace, that results in greater stability, and most importantly,
weakening the Russia-China alliance, which I think is the actual threat that we have so far,
no matter who in this debate of more or less Ukraine funding
has really failed to confront,
that I think is the way we deescalate
the risk of World War III
and weaken the threats to the West
by actually dismantling that alliance.
So from the American perspective,
the main interest is weakening the alliance between Russia and China.
Yes, I think the military alliance between Russia
and China represents the single greatest threat we face.
So do a deal that's very reasonable across the board,
but one of the main things we get out of it
is weakening that alliance.
So no joint military exercises, no military collaborations.
These are monitorable.
These are monitorable attributes.
If there's cheating on that, we're going to immediately have consequences as a consequence
of their cheating. But we can't cheat on our own obligations that we would make in the context of
that deal as well. There might be some extremely painful things for Ukraine here. So Ukraine
currently captured a small region in Russia, the Kursk region, but Russia has captured
giant chunks, the Nizhny Novgorod region, the Kharkov region, the Kursk region. So it seems
given what you're laying out, it's very unlikely for Russia to give up any of the regions that's
already captured. I actually think that, and that would come down to the specifics of the
negotiation. But the core goals of the negotiation are peace in this war, weak in the Russia-China alliance, and for Russia, what do they get out of it? Part of this is
here's something that's not negative for Ukraine, but that could be positive for Russia as part of
that deal, right? Because it's not a zero sum game alone with Ukraine on the losing end of this.
I think reopening economic relations with the West would be a big win for Russia, but also a
carrot that gets them out of that military relationship
with China. So I do think that the foreign policy establishment has historically been,
at the very least, unimaginative about the levers that we're able to use. Actually,
I was a little bit critical of Nixon earlier in this discussion for his contribution to the
overgrowth of the US entitlement state and regulatory state. But I'll give Nixon credit here on a different point,
which is that he was imaginative of being able to pull
red China out from the clasp of the USSR.
He broke the China-Russia alliance back then,
which was an important step to bring us
to the near end of the Cold War.
So I think there's an opportunity for a similar
unconventional maneuver now of using greater reopened
economic relations
with Russia to pull Russia out from the hands of China today.
There's no skin off Ukraine's back for that.
And I do think that's a big carrot for Russia in this direction.
I do think that will involve some level of territorial negotiation as well that out of
any good deal, not everyone's going to like 100% of what comes out of it.
But that's part of the cost of securing peace is that not everyone's going to be happy about every attribute. But I could make a case
that an immediate peace deal is also now in the best interests of Ukraine. Let's just rewind the
clock. We're looking at now, let's just say we're early 2022, maybe June of 2022. Zelensky was
ready to come to the table for a deal back then until Boris Johnson traveled when he had
his own domestic political travails to convince Zelensky to continue to fight. And that goes to
the point where when nations aren't asked to pay for their own national security, they have what
the problem is of moral hazard of taking risks that really are suboptimal risks for them to take,
because they're not bearing the consequences of taking those risks, not fully in the cost.
risks for them to take because they're not bearing the consequences of taking those risks, not fully in the cost.
If Ukraine had done a deal back then, I think it is unambiguous that they would have done
a better deal for themselves than they're doing now after having spent hundreds of billions
of dollars and expended tens of thousands of Ukrainian lives.
So the idea that Ukraine is somehow better off because it
failed to do that deal before is a lie. And if we're not willing to learn from those mistakes
of the recent past, we're doomed to repeat them again. So this idea that it would be painful for
Ukraine, you know, it's been painful, tens and tens and tens of thousands of people continuing to die
without any increased leverage and actually getting the outcome that they want.
So I think there's an opportunity for a win-win-win, a win for the United States in the West more
broadly in weakening the Russia-China alliance, a win for Ukraine in having an agreement that
is backstopped by the United States of America's interests that provides a greater degree of long
run security to the future existence of Ukraine and its sovereignty and also stopping the blood
shed today. And I think a win for Russia, which is to reopen economic relations with the West, and have
certain guarantees about what the mission creep or scope creep of NATO will be. There's no rule
that says that when one party before before full outright world war starts, at least, there's an
opportunity for there to actually be a win for everybody on the table rather than to assume
that a win for us is a loss to Russia
or that anything positive that happens for Russia
is a loss for the United States or Ukraine.
Just to add to the table,
some things that Putin won't like,
but I think are possible to negotiate,
which is Ukraine joining the European Union and not NATO.
So establishing some kind of economic relationships there
and also splitting the bill,
sort of guaranteeing some amount of money
from both Russia and the United States
for rebuilding Ukraine.
One of the challenges in Ukraine, a war-torn country,
is how do you guarantee the flourishing
of this particular nation?
All right, so you wanna not just stop the death of people
and the destruction, but also provide a foundation
on which you can rebuild the country
and build a flourishing future country.
I think out of this conversation alone,
there are a number of levers on the table for negotiation
in a lot of different directions. And that's where you want to be, right? If there's only one factor
that matters to each of the two parties, and those are their red line factors, then there's
no room for negotiation. This is a deeply complicated, historically intricate dynamic between Ukraine and Russia and between NATO
and the United States and the Russia-China alliance and economic interests that are
issued combined with the geopolitical factors. There are a lot of levers for negotiation,
and the more levers there are, the more likely there is to be a win-win-win deal that gets done
for everybody. So I think it should be encouraging the fact that there are, the more likely there is to be a win-win-win deal that gets done for everybody.
So I think it should be encouraging the fact
that there are as many different possible levers here almost
make certain that a reasonable, practicable peace deal is
possible.
In contrast to a situation where there's only one thing that
matters for each side, then I can't tell you
that there's a deal to be done.
There's definitely a deal to be done here.
And I think that it requires real leadership
in the United States playing hardball,
not just with one side of this,
not just with Zelensky or with Putin,
but across the board, hardball for our own interests,
which are the interests of stability here.
And I think that that will happen to well-serve
both Ukraine and Russia in the process.
If you were president, would you call Putin?
Absolutely.
I mean, in any negotiation,
you gotta manage when you're calling somebody
and when you're not.
But I do believe that open conversation and the willingness to have that as another lever
in the negotiation is totally fair game. Okay, let's go to the China side of this. The big
concern here is that the brewing cold or God forbid, hot war between the United States and China in the 21st century.
How do we avoid that?
So a few things.
One is, I do think the best way we also avoid it is by reducing the consequences to the
United States in the event of that type of conflict.
Because at that point, what you're setting up for, if the consequences are existential
for the United States, then what you're buying up for, if the consequences are existential for the United
States, then what you're buying yourself
in the context of what could be a small conflict
is an all out great war.
So the first thing I want to make sure we avoid
is a major conflict between the United States and China,
like a world war level conflict.
And the way to do that is to bring down
the existential stakes for the US.
And the way we bring down the existential stakes for the US
is make sure that the United States does not depend on China for our modern way of life.
Right now we do. Okay, so right now we depend on China for everything from the pharmaceuticals
in our medicine cabinet, 95% of ibuprofen, one of the most basic medicines used in the United States,
depends on China for its supply chain. We depend on China, ironically, for our own military industrial base.
Think about how little sense that makes actually. Our own military, which supposedly exists to
protect ourselves against adversaries, depends for its own supplies, semiconductors and otherwise,
on our top adversary. That doesn't make sense. Even if you're a libertarian in the school of Friedrich von Hayek, somebody I admire as well, even then you would not
argue for a foreign dependence on adversary for your military.
So I think that's the next step we need to take is at least
reduce US dependence on China for the most essential inputs
for the functioning of the United States of America,
including our own military.
As a side note, I believe that means not just on-shoring to the United States, it does. But
if we're really serious about that, it also means expanding our relationships with allies like Japan,
South Korea, India, the Philippines. And that's an interesting debate to have because some on
the right would say, okay, I want to decouple from China, but I also want less trade with all these
other places. You can't have both those things at the same time. You can have one or the other,
you can't have both. And so we have to acknowledge and be honest with ourselves
that there are trade-offs to declaring independence from China. But the question
is what are the long-run benefits? Now you think about the other way to do this is strategic
clarity. I think the way that you see world wars often emerge is strategic ambiguity from two adversaries
who don't really know what the other side's red line
is or isn't and accidentally crosses those red lines.
And so I think we need to be much clearer
with what are our hard red lines and what aren't they?
And I think that's the single most effective way
to make sure this doesn't spiral into major world war.
And then let's talk about ending the Russia-Ukraine conflict
on the terms that I just discussed with you before.
I think weakening the Russia-China alliance
not only reduces the risk that Russia becomes an aggressor,
it also reduces the risk that China takes the risks
that could escalate us to World War III as well.
So I think that geopolitically,
you gotta look at these things holistically.
That end of the Russia-Ukraine war and that peace deal
deescalates not only the Russia-Ukraine conflict, but the risk of a broader conflict
that includes China as well, by also weakening China because Russia also has hypersonic missiles
and missile capabilities that are ahead of that of China's. If Russia is no longer in a military
alliance with China, that changes China's calculus as well. So that's kind of, I think,
calculus as well. So that's kind of, I think, more strategic vision we need in our foreign policy than we've had since certainly, you know, the Nixon era. I think that you need people who are
going to be able to challenge the status quo, question the existing orthodoxies, the willingness
to use levers to get great deals done that otherwise wouldn't have gotten done. And that's
what I do think
someone like Donald Trump in the presidency, and obviously I ran for president as an outsider and
a businessman as well, I think this is an area, our foreign policy is one where we actually benefit
from having business leaders in those roles rather than people who are shackled by the
traditional political manner of thinking. I think the thing you didn't quite make clear, but I think implied is that we have to accept the red line
that China provides of the one China policy.
Both sides need to have their red lines.
Both sides need to have their red lines.
So, you know, we can get into specifics,
but it's gonna vary depending on the circumstances.
But the principle that I would give you is that
we have to have a hard red line that's clear.
I think that that hard red line, and I was clear during my campaign on this, so I'll line that's clear. I think that that hard red line,
I was clear during my campaign on this, I'll say it again, is I think that we have to have a clear
red line that China will not and should not for any time in the foreseeable future annex Taiwan.
I do think that for the United States, it probably is prudent right now not to suddenly upend the
diplomatic policy we've adopted for decades of what is recognizing the one China
policy in our position of quiet deference to that. And understand that that may be the red line is
the national recognition of Taiwan as an independent nation would be a red line that China would have,
but we would have a red line to say that we do not in any circumstance tolerate the annexation
by physical force in any time in the foreseeable future
when that's against the interests
of the United States of America.
So those are examples, but the principle here is,
you asked how do we avoid major conflict with China?
I think it starts with clear red lines on both sides.
I think it starts with also lowering the stakes
for the United States by making sure we're not dependent
on China for our modern way of life.
And I think it also starts with, ironically,
using a peaceful resolution to the Ukraine war
as a way of weakening the Russia-China alliance,
which in the other direction of weakening China
has significant benefits to us as well.
But what do you do when China says very politely,
we're going to annex Taiwan, whether you like it or not?
Against the backdrop that I just laid out, that's not going to happen. That wouldn't happen if we
actually make sure that we are crystal clear about what our red lines and priorities are.
We're also dependent on Taiwan right now for our own semiconductor supply chain.
So China knows that's going to draw us into serious conflict in that circumstance.
So against the backdrop of clearly drawn red lines, against the backdrop of Russia no longer automatically being in China's camp, that's a big lever.
I think also strengthening our relationship with other allies where we have room to strengthen those relationships like India.
And I'm not just saying that because my name is Vivek Ramaswamy, right?
I'm saying it because it's strategically important to the United States to understand that, God forbid, in a conflict scenario,
China would perceive some risk to the Indian Ocean or the Andaman Sea, no longer being reliable for getting
Middle Eastern oil supplies.
There's a lot of levers here, but I think that if we are both strategically clear with
our allies and with our adversaries about what our red lines are, what our priorities
are, reasonable deals that pull Russia out of the hands of China and vice versa, reasonable
allies and relationships that cause China to question whether it can continue to have the same access to Middle
Eastern oil supplies as it does today. And then clear red lines with China itself about what
we definitely aren't okay with and understand that they may have certain red lines too.
That allows us, I think, to still avoid what many people will call the unavoidable conflict,
the Thucydides trap, you know, against the circumstance of when there's a rising power against the backdrop of a declining power,
conflict always becomes inevitable. That's a theory. It's not a law of physics. And I
don't think that A, we have to be a declining power. And B, I don't think that that has to
necessarily result in major conflict with China here. It's going to require real leadership,
leadership with a spine.
And you don't have to judge based
on international relations theory
to form your view on this.
Four years under Trump, we didn't have major conflicts
in the Middle East, in places like Russia, Ukraine.
We were on the cusp of war with North Korea
when Obama left office and Trump took over.
Four years under Biden, less than four years under Biden
and Harris, what do you have?
Major conflicts in the Middle East, major conflict in Russia, Ukraine,
judged by the results. And you know, I mean, I would say that even if you're somebody who
disagrees with a lot of Donald Trump, and you don't like his style, if you're single issues,
you want to stay out of World War Three, I think there's a pretty clear case for
why you go for Trump in this election. So Prime Minister Modi, I think you've complimented him in a
bunch of different directions, one of which is when you're discussing nationalism.
Yeah, I think I believe that, you know, someone I've gotten to know actually reasonably well,
for example, recently is Georgia Maloney, who's a leader of Italy told her the same thing. One
of the things I love about her as a leader of Italy is that she does not apologize
for the national identity of the country
and that she stands for certain values uncompromisingly.
And she doesn't give a second care
about what the media has to say about it.
One of the things I love last time I spoke to her
when she was in the US, when we sat down was
she talked about, she doesn't even read the newspaper.
She doesn't read and watch the media
and allows her to make decisions
that are best for the people.
And there are elements of that in Modi's approach as well,
which I respect about him is he doesn't apologize
for the fact that India has a national identity
and that the nation should be proud of it.
But I'm not saying that because I'm proud of Maloney
or Modi for their own countries, I'm American.
I think there are lessons to learn from leaders
who are proud of their own nation's identity
rather than apologizing for it.
And I think it's a big part of, you know,
it's why I ran for president on a campaign center
on national pride.
It's also why I'm not only voting for,
but actively supporting Donald Trump,
because I do think he is gonna be the one
that restores that missing national pride
in the United States.
And, you know, I touch on this as well in the book,
there's a chapter here, it says nationalism isn't a bad word.
I think nationalism can be a very positive thing
if it's grounded in the actual true attributes of a nation.
And in the United States, that doesn't mean ethno-nationalism
because that was not what the national identity
of the United States was based on in the first place.
But a civic nationalism grounded in our actual national ideals, that is who we are.
And I think that that is something that we've gotten uncomfortable with in the countries
to say that, oh, I'm proud of being American.
I believe in American exceptionalism.
Somehow that's looking down on others.
No, not looking down on anybody, but I'm proud of my own country.
And I think Modi's revived that spirit in India in a way that was missing for a long time, right? India had an inferiority complex, a psychological
inferiority complex, but now to be proud of its national heritage and its national mythmaking
and its national legacy and history. And to say that, you know, every nation does have to have
a kind of mythmaking about its past and to be proud of that. It's like Malcolm X actually said this here in
the United States. He said, a nation without an appreciation for its history is like a tree without
roots. It's dead. And I think that that's true not just for the United States, I think it's true for
every other nation. I think leaders like Maloney in Italy, leaders like Modi in India have done a great job
that I wish to bring that type of pride back
in the United States.
And whatever I do next, Lex, I'll tell you this is,
I think reviving that sense of identity and pride,
especially in the next generation
is one of the most important things
we can do for this country.
Speaking of what you do next,
any chance you run in 2028?
Well, I'm not gonna rule it out.
I mean, that's a long time from now.
And I'm most focused on what I can do
in the next chapter for the country.
I ran for president,
million things that I learned from that experience
that you can only learn by doing it.
It was very much a fire first aim later when getting into the race. There was no way I could have
planned and plotted this out as somebody who was coming from
the outside. I was 37 years old came from the business world. So
there was a lot that only could learn by actually doing it and
I did. But I care about the same things that led me into the
presidential race. And I don't think the issues have been
solved. I think that we have a generation that is lost in the country. It's not just young people. I think
all of us in some ways are hungry for purpose and meaning at a time in our history when the things
that used to fill that void in our heart, they're missing. And I think we need a president who both
has the right policies for the country,
you know, seal the border, grow the economy, stay out of World War III and rampant crime.
Yes, we need the right policies. But we also need leaders who, in a sustained way,
revive our national character, revive our sense of pride in this country,
revive our identity as Americans. And, you know, I think that that need exists as much today as it
did when I first ran for president. I don't think it's going to be automatically solved in just a
few years. I think Donald Trump is the right person to carry that banner forward for the next
four years. But after that, we'll see where the country is headed into 2028. And whatever I do,
it'll be whatever has a maximal positive impact on the country.
I'll also tell you that my laser focus, maybe as distinct from other politicians on both sides,
is to take America to the next level, to move beyond our victimhood culture,
to restore our culture of excellence. We got to shut down that nanny state. The entitlement state,
the regulatory state, the foreign policy nanny state, shut
it down and revive who we really are as Americans. And I'm as passionate about that as ever.
But the next step is not running for president. The next step is what happens in the next
four years. And that's why over the next four weeks, I'm focused on doing whatever I can
to make sure we succeed in this election. Well, I hope you run because this was made clear
on the stage in the primary debates.
You have a unique clarity and honesty
in expressing the ideas you stand for.
And it would be nice to see that.
I would also like to see the same thing on the other side,
which would make for some badass interesting debates.
I would love nothing more than a kick-ass set of top tier Democrat candidates.
After four years of Donald Trump, we have a primary filled with actually people who
have real visions for the country on both sides.
The people of this country can choose between those competing visions
without insult or injury being the way we, I would love nothing more than to see that in 2028.
Who do you think? So for me, I would love to see in some kind of future where it's you versus
somebody like Tim Walls. So to Tim Walls, maybe I'm lacking in knowledge. It's a, first of all, like a good dude
has similar to you strongly held, if not radical ideas
of how to make progress in this country.
So to just be on stage and debate honestly about the ideas,
there are like very, there's a tension between those ideas.
Is there other people, Shapiro's interesting also.
I would like to take on in an earnest, in civil,
but contested context, right, of a debate.
Who do you wanna take on?
You wanna take on somebody who disagrees with you,
but still has deep ideology of their own.
I think John Fetterman's pretty interesting, right. He's demonstrated himself to be somebody who is thoughtful, able to change his mind on positions,
but not in some sort of fake flip-floppity, flippity-floppity way, but in a thoughtful
evolution. Somebody who's been through personal struggles, somebody I deeply disagree with on a
lot of his views, most of his views, but who I can at least say comes across at least as somebody who has
been through that torturous process of really examining your beliefs and convictions and
has, when necessary, been able to preach to his own tribe where he thinks they're wrong. I think it's interesting. I think that you have a number of other leaders probably emerging at
lower levels. On the left, not everybody's going to necessarily come from Washington, DC. In fact, the longer they're there, the more they in some ways get polluted by it.
I think the governor of Colorado is an interesting guy. He's got a more libertarian tendency.
I don't know as much about his views on it from a national perspective, but it's intriguing to
see somebody who has at least libertarian freedom oriented tendencies within the Democratic Party. I think that there are a number of, I don't foresee him running for
president, but I had a debate last year when I was running for president with Ro Khanna, who
say what you will about him. He's a highly intelligent person and is somebody who is at
least willing to buck the consensus of his party when necessary. I think he recently,
I would say lambasted,
he phrased it very delicately, but criticized Kamala Harris's proposed tax on unrealized
capital gains. So I like people who are willing to challenge the orthodoxies in their own
party because it says they actually have convictions. And so whoever the Democrats put up, I hope
it's someone like that. And for my part, I have and continue to have beliefs that will challenge Republicans,
that on the face of it may not be the policies that poll on paper as the policies you're supposed
to adopt as a Republican candidate. But what a true leader does doesn't just tell people what
they want to hear. You tell people what they need to hear, and you tell people what your actual
convictions are. And this idea that I don't want to create a right tell people what they need to hear, and you tell people what your actual convictions are.
And this idea that I don't want to create a right-wing entitlement state or a nanny
state, I want to shut it down, that challenges the presuppositions of where a lot of the
conservative movement is right now.
I don't think the bill to cap credit card interest rates is a good idea because that's
a price control just like Kamala Harris' price controls, and it'll reduce access to credit.
I don't think that we want a crony
capitalist state showering private benefits on selected industries that favor us or that we want
to expand the CFPB or the FTC's remit and somehow we're going to trust it because it's under our
watch. No, I believe in shutting it down. That challenges a lot of the current direction of the
conservative movement. I believe in certain issues that are maybe
even outside the scope of what Republicans currently care
about right now.
One of the things that I oppose, for example,
is not a top issue in American politics,
but just to give you a sense for how I think and view the world.
I'm against factory farming of a large scale of,
you could sort of say, putting the mistreatment, the mistreatment of it's one thing to say
that you need it for for your sustenance. And that's great. But it's another to say that
you have to do it in a factory farming setting that gives special exemptions from historical
laws that have existed that are the product of crony capitalism. I'm against crony capitalism in
all its forms. I'm against the influence of mega money in politics. I don't think that's been good
either for Democrats or Republicans. Some of those views, I think, are not necessarily the traditional
Republican orthodoxy reading chapter and verse from what the Republican Party platform has been.
It's not against the Republican Party platform, but it's asking what the future of our movement is.
Some of these things are hard, like getting money out of politics.
Getting mega money, getting mega money. The mega money, yeah, yeah, yeah. And so
long as it exists, you got to play the game. I mean, you got it if you're gonna
play to win. I think it's one of the things I realized is that you just can't
compete without it, but you want to win the game in order to change the game. And
I think that that's something that I keep keep in mind as well. So you have
written a lot.
You're exceptionally productive.
But even just looking book wise, you've written basically a book a year for the last four
years.
When you're writing, when you're thinking about how to solve the problems of the world
to develop your policy, how do you think?
I need quiet time, extended periods of it that are separated from the rush of the day-to-day or the
travel. I actually think a lot better when I'm working out and physically active. So from running,
playing tennis, lifting. Somehow for me that really opens up my mind and then I need a
significant amount of time after that with a notebook. I usually carry around a notebook
everywhere I go and write it down in there.
Is the notebook full of chaotic thoughts or is it structured?
Is it sometimes it's chaotic. Sometimes it's structured. It's a little bit of both.
Sometimes I have a thought that I know I don't want to forget later.
I'll immediately jot it down. Other times, you know, on the flight over here,
I had a much more structured layout of, you know,
I got a lot of different projects in the air, for example,
and I cross-pollinate.
I was in the shower this morning, had a bunch of thoughts,
collected those on my plane ride over here.
So I think that writing is something
in all of its forms that helps me.
It's one of the, one of the things that actually helped me
this year was actually writing this book.
You're going through a presidential campaign,
you're going at super speed.
And if I was to do the presidential campaign again, the thing I would do is actually to
take more structured breaks.
I don't mean breaks as just like vacations, but I mean breaks to reflect on what's actually
happening.
Probably the biggest mistake I made is last time around heading into the first debate,
I was like in nine different states over seven days.
I would have just
taken that as a pause, right? We're halfway through, you've established relevance. Now
make sure the country sees who you actually are in full, rather than just the momentum,
competitive driven version of you. And I just think that that's sort of those taking those
moments to just take stock of where you are, Do some writing. I didn't do much writing during the presidential campaign. I enjoy writing. It's part of how I center myself.
It's part of what this book allowed me to do is, okay, I ran that whirlwind of a campaign.
The first thing I started doing after I collected myself for a couple of weeks was
take the pen and start writing. And I was committed to writing that book, whether or not anybody read
it. I was writing it for myself.
And actually it started in a very different form.
It was very personal reflection oriented.
So most of that, funny enough,
I've learned about writing the books, Lex, is-
Just edit it out.
Oh, it just didn't end up in the book
because it went in a different direction
than like what's interesting for a publisher to publish.
And so for each of my books,
the things that I started writing ended up never
in the book anyway, just because the topic ended up morphing. But the journey that led me to write this book,
a lot of it in this book is still in there. This is my fourth book in four years, you're
right. And I hope it's the most important one, but it is certainly the product of an
honest reflection that whatever it might do for the reader, it helped me to write it.
And I think that's one of the things that I learned from this campaign was not just all the policy lessons, but even just as a matter of personal
practice, the ability to take spaces of time to not only physically challenge yourself,
workout, et cetera, but to give yourself the space to reflect, to recenter yourself on the why.
Had I done that, I think I would have been even more centered on the mission
the whole time rather than, you know, you get attacked on the way you're
throwing off your tilt or throwing off your balance, it becomes a lot harder
for someone else to do that to you.
If you've really centered yourself on your own purpose, it's probably
one of my biggest learnings.
So you've mentioned, uh, the first primary debate.
So more than almost basically anybody I've ever seen,
you step into some really intense debates.
Yeah.
And you're on podcasts, but in general,
kind of in all kinds of walks of life,
whether it's sort of debates with sort of protesters
or debates with people that really disagree with you,
like the radical opposite of you,
what's the philosophy behind that?
And what's the psychology of being able to be calm
through all of that, which you seem to be able to?
Well, I enjoy debate.
And for me, I think just in ordinary life,
forget about like a formal debate setting,
whenever I've received criticism or a contrary view, my first impulse
is always, are they right? I mean, it's always a possibility, right? And most of the time,
what happens is you understand the other side's argument, but you emerge with a stronger conviction
in your own belief, right? You know your own beliefs better if you can state the best argument
for the other side. But sometimes you do change your mind.
And I think that that's happened
over the course of my life as well.
I think no one's a thinking human being
unless that happens once in a while too.
And so anyway, just the idea of the pursuit of truth
through open debate and inquiry,
that's always just been part of my identity,
part of who I am.
I'm wired that way.
I thrive on it.
I enjoy it.
Even my relationships with my closest friends are built around
heated debates and deep seated agreements, disagreements. And I just think that's beautiful,
not just about human relationships, but it's particularly beautiful about America,
right? Because it's part of the culture of this country more so than other countries, China,
India, Asian cultures, even a lot of European cultures are very different
where that's considered not genteel behavior. It's not the respectful behavior. Whereas
for us, part of what makes this country great is you could disagree like hell and still
get together at the dinner table at the end of it. I think we've lost some of that, but
I'm on a bit of a mission to bring that back.
And so, I don't know whether it's in politics or not,
I'm committed in that next step,
whatever the path is over the next four years,
one of the things I'm committed to doing
is making sure that I go out of my way
to talk to people who actually disagree with me.
And I think it's a big part
of how we're gonna save our country.
Are they right is a thing I actually literally see you do.
So you are listening to the other person.
For my own benefit, to be honest, selfish.
You also don't lose your shit.
So you don't take it personally.
You don't get emotional,
but you get emotional sort of in a positive way.
You get passionate, but you don't get, it doesn't,
I've never seen you broken.
Yeah.
Like to where they, do they get you like outraged?
It's always probably because you just love the heat.
I love the heat and I'm a curious person.
So I'm kind of, I'm always curious
about what's actually getting the other,
what's motivating the person on the other side.
That curiosity I think is actually the best antidote, right?
Cause if you just try to stay calm
in the face of somebody attacking you, that that's kind of fake, but if you're kind the best antidote, right? Because if you just try to stay calm in the face of somebody
attacking you, that's kind of fake.
But if you're kind of curious about them, right?
Genuinely, just wondering.
I think most people are good people, inherently.
We all maybe get misguided from time to time.
But what's actually, what is it that's
moving that person to go in such a different direction than you?
I think as long as you're curious about that, I mean, the climate change protesters that have interrupted my events, I'm as fascinated by the
psychology of what's moving them and what they might be hungry for as I am concerned about
rebutting the content of what they're saying to me. I think that that's certainly something I care
to revive. We don't talk about in politics that much, but reviving that sense of curiosity,
I think is in a certain way,
one of the ways we're gonna be able to disagree,
but still remain friends and fellow citizens
at the end of it.
I agree with you.
I think fundamentally most people are good.
And one of the things I love most about humans
is the very thing you said, which is curiosity.
I think we should lean into that.
You're a curious person.
I know this podcast is basically born
of your curiosity, I'm sure.
And so I just think we need more of that in America,
that kind of, you know,
we talked about our founding fathers,
we were joking about it,
but they were inventors, they were writers,
they were political theorists,
they were founders of a nation.
They kind of had that boundless curiosity too.
And I think part of what's happened culturally
in the countries, we've gotten to this place
where we've been told that stay in your lane.
You don't have an expert degree in that,
therefore you can't have an opinion about it.
I don't know, I think that's a little bit un-American
in terms of the culture of it.
And yeah, it's one of the things I like about you and why I was looking forward to this conversation
too is it's cool to have intellectual interests that span sports to culture to politics to
philosophy. And it's not like you just have to be an expert trained in one of those things to be
able to engage in it, but actually maybe, just maybe you might even be better at each of those things
because you're curious about the other.
The Renaissance man, if you will.
I think we've lost a little bit of that concept in America,
but it's certainly something that is important to me.
And this year it's been kind of cool.
After leaving the campaign,
I've been doing a wide range of things, right?
I've been picking up my tennis game again.
I practiced at the Ohio State.
You're damn good at tennis.
I was watching you.
I used to be better, but I'm picking it up again.
Somebody online was trying to correctly,
I think you shot a very particular angle of that video.
I think they were criticizing
your backhand was weak potentially.
Cause you're-
That would be fair criticism.
But it's gotten better again.
It's gotten better recently.
I've been playing with the,
I've been practicing with the Ohio State team in the morning.
They're like number one in the country or close to it.
Now the guys on the team play,
but there's a couple of coaches who were recently
on the team.
One of whom used to be,
a guy used to play with in the juniors who invited me out.
So I hit with them in the mornings alongside the team.
My goal, I'm- Uh oh, don't say it.. My goal, I should be careful here.
Oh no.
My hips are telling me,
so I've been playing so many days a week
that I set a goal for myself by the end of the,
to play in a particular tournament,
but we'll see if that happens or not.
No, no.
But regardless, it's been fun to get back into tennis.
I was an executive producer on a movie,
something I've never done before. It's called City of Dreams. It's about a story of a young man who
was trafficked into the United States. It's a thriller. It's a very cool movie to be a part of.
I have actually started a couple of companies, one company in particular that I think is going to be
significant this year, guiding some of the other businesses that I've gotten off the ground in the past.
So for me, I'm re-energized now,
where I was in the thick of politics
for a full year there,
and getting a little bit of oxygen outside of politics,
doing some things in the private sector
has actually given me a renewed sense of energy
to get back into driving change through public service.
Well, it's been fun watching you do
all these fascinating things,
but I do hope that you have a future in politics as well,
because it's nice to have somebody
that has rigorously developed their ideas
and is honest about presenting them
and is willing to debate
those ideas out in public space. So I would love for you and people like you to represent
the future of American politics. So Vivek, thank you so much for every time I'm swiveling this
chair, I'm thinking of Thomas Jefferson. It's good. That was my goal. So big shout out to
Thomas Jefferson for the swivel chair. And thank you so much for talking to me, Vick.
This was fun.
Thank you, man.
One final fact to Thomas Jefferson,
whether you cut this or not.
Of course, he wrote 16,000 essays in his life, letters.
Right?
So he's not written four books in four years.
That is nothing compared to how prolific this guy was.
Anyway, good stuff, man.
Thanks for having me.
And neither of us will ever live up to anything
close to Thomas Jefferson.
I love your curiosity, man.
Thanks for reading the book
and appreciated your feedback on it as well.
And hopefully we'll do this again sometime.
Yep, thank you, brother.
Thanks, too.
Thanks for listening to this conversation
with Vivek Ramaswamy.
To support this podcast,
please check out our sponsors in the description.
And now, let me leave you with some words
from George Orwell.
Political language is designed to make lies sound truthful
and murder respectable,
and to give an appearance of solidity to pure wind.
Thank you for listening, and hope to see you next time.