Pod Save America - Will the GOP Hold Disaster Relief Hostage?
Episode Date: January 14, 2025Devastating wildfires in Los Angeles prompt a round of angry finger-pointing and disaster politics from the GOP. The most extreme reaction comes from Trump and a growing number of Republicans in Congr...ess, who are already talking about placing conditions on disaster relief for California. Meanwhile, President Biden kicks off his final week in office with a farewell speech defending his foreign policy legacy. Jon, Lovett, and Tommy break down what he got right, and what’s at risk as Trump returns to D.C. On another front, MAGA’s messy relationship with Big Tech heats up. Zuckerberg sits down with Trump on Joe Rogan, while Steve Bannon takes aim at Elon Musk. Finally, Ken Martin, Chair the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party, drops by to talk about his campaign for Chair of the Democratic National Committee.
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Hey, cricket listeners, there's a new show hosted by Scott Galloway and Jessica Tarlov
that we think you'll enjoy.
It's called Raging Moderates.
I was just on it a few weeks ago.
It was a lot of fun.
We talked about the election and what's next for Democrats and Scott and Jessica are just
fantastic.
It was a really fun conversation.
Raging Moderates is a podcast for those who reside somewhere between the center left and
the center right. and it can be found wherever you get your podcasts and on YouTube.
["Pod Save America Theme Song"] Welcome to Pod Save America, I'm Jon Favreau. I'm Jon Lovett. I'm Tommy Vitor. Cool. On
today's show, Joe Biden delivers his final foreign policy address to kick off his last
week as president. We'll talk about the speech and his farewell tour. I can't believe it's
the last week. Don't let the door hit you with a good Lord split you
I made it more of like you're gonna miss him. Oh shit Trump's coming. Yeah, it's true. It's real I know we'll also talk about the latest in the precarious marriage between MAGA and Big Tech with Mark Zuckerberg doing more Trump
ass kissing on Joe Rogan and Steve Bannon making new threats to Elon Musk
Then I talked to Ken Martin, chair of the Minnesota DFL,
that's the state's democratic party,
about his bid for chair of the DNC.
But first, the fires in Los Angeles are still burning.
As of this taping on Monday afternoon,
the Eaton Palisades and Hearst fires
have burned over 36,000 acres.
To put that in context, that is a larger area
than the entire city of San Francisco.
More than 12,000 structures have been damaged or destroyed.
That's just so far. That number will probably go up.
The fires have taken the lives of 24 Angelenos.
Fortunately, that number is expected to go up as well.
As we are recording this, the winds have subsided,
which has allowed firefighting crews over the weekend to contain more of the blaze.
But really bad, powerful new winds are expected throughout the week, especially Tuesday and
Wednesday, creating dangerous conditions and the possibility of new fires.
Of course, the continued danger has not prevented Republicans from politicizing recovery efforts
and spreading misinformation, such as Vice President-elect Jay DeVance's claim on Fox
News Sunday that some of Los Angeles' reservoirs have been dry for decades. But the worst reaction has come from Trump and a growing
number of Republicans in Congress who are already talking about placing conditions on disaster
relief sent to California. Here's Alabama Senator Tommy Tuberville, Wyoming Senator John Barrasso,
Tennessee Senator Bill Hagerty, and Speaker Mike Johnson.
Why should other states be bailing out California for choosing the wrong people to run their state?
We shouldn't be. They got 40 million people in that state and they voting these
these imbeciles in office. You go to California, you run into a lot of Republicans, a lot of good
people, and I hate it for them, but they are just overwhelmed
by these inner-city, woke policies with the people that vote for them. They don't deserve
anything, to be honest with you, unless they show us they're going to make some changes.
And before we put funds into place, we've got to find out exactly how we're going to hold these
leaders accountable and what sort of policy changes are required. There's going to be hearings,
there's going to be requests of Congress.
There can't be a blank check on this.
I think there should probably be conditions on that date. That's my personal view.
Tommy Tuberville, a real expert in putting imbeciles into office from the state of Alabama,
which I believe is the state that is... It's number 12 in states that are most dependent
on federal aid, the small state of Alabama,
compared to the 40 million people in California,
which I do think contributes quite a bit
to the country's gross domestic product.
And far more tax dollars leave.
California go to the federal government, then come back.
Also just so racist, these inner city woke DEI initiatives,
like, well, what are you trying to say, Senator?
I can't tell.
If you really listen to the criticism,
I was just listening to our good pal, Chris Christie.
He was on Brian Kilmeade's radio show,
going off on Newsome and the fire response.
None of these people though have any,
they haven't really paid attention to any of the details.
So they don't have any actual criticisms.
They're just like, it's a disaster
and the woke policies did it in this.
It's just all sh short hand, lazy bullshit.
And as we're gonna get into,
there are absolutely real critiques
that you can level towards various officials
about the fire thing, but they're not interested in that.
So Mike Johnson, actually the next sentence that he says,
cause he's walking down the Capitol,
he says they're conditions and he throws out there
forest management, water management.
It's like, okay, this is a disaster,
an emergency right now.
California needs money right now.
I don't even know what it means
to put conditions on California.
Nor does Mike Johnson.
Nor does Mike Johnson.
Or any Republican.
It's like, no more woke.
You gotta ban woke
and you better stop doing those things
we're making up about you doing.
All those things that aren't happening,
they better stop right now.
It is.
I mean, is this, we've come to expect this from Trump.
I do think it's alarming that Republicans are now
just open to punishing disaster victims,
unless the elected Democrats who represent them
just embrace Republican politics.
Is that what we're in for for the next four years?
Sure, it seems like it.
I mean, remember there's the story from 2018
where a bunch of Trump's national security
staff had to show him vote totals from Orange County, California before he would agree to
funds for fire relief.
So this is not surprising for Trump.
I guess we shouldn't be surprised that Republicans are following suit, especially the worst of
the worst like Tommy Tuberville.
But it's a problem.
You would like to think that doing something like this, exploiting people in an ongoing disaster
would be seen as beyond the pale,
or at least there'd be some kind of like
mutually assured destruction,
lest the next Democratic president say,
actually, no one should live on the coast of Florida
ever again, and unless you agree to my random policy areas,
we will not fund any insurance for you.
Yeah, of course.
When did Joe Biden ever attach political conditions to disaster
relief or Barack Obama or George W. Bush or like any president
before Donald Trump?
In addition to that 2018 episode, I had forgotten that in October
of 2020, Trump did deny a federal aid request from California.
At the time, there were 21 active wildfires in the state.
Four million acres had already burned.
31 people had died.
And Newsom had asked for federal aid.
Trump rejected it.
And then Newsom called Trump and pleaded his case.
And I think Kevin McCarthy, who at the time was,
you know, Republican leadership in the House
and from California, I think he got Trump to turn around
and then Trump signed the disaster relief assistance.
But he tried to do this before.
Yeah, I mean, look, there are Republican members
of Congress in California.
Nine House Republicans, they better speak up.
There are, it is especially galling
when you see different people like DeSantis,
but a bunch of them that have called for conditioning aid
to Democratic areas on either side of their state
desperately needing aid after a disaster.
We've had disasters in Florida, in Texas, there have been, we just went through these terrible
floods in North Carolina, right? Like Republicans understand the need for aid in an emergency and
are completely for it on either side of crises that affect democratic states.
And I will say, so far, the only Republican I've seen
that has opposed attaching any kind of conditions
is Tom Tillis, Senator, Republican Senator
from North Carolina, and he said,
just before we started recording,
put yourself, he's like, put yourself in their shoes.
We were just dealing with a hurricane here.
We wanted relief, like so would they.
Which is a completely normal thing to think.
He's a decent person.
The other thing is, it's not just like
you're punishing all the libs in California.
Donald Trump got 6 million votes in the state of California.
That's a lot of votes.
That's probably more votes than he got
in a lot of different states that he won.
Yeah, it's also like, the ideological part of it
is just beside the point, obviously,
but like disasters, a big disaster in California,
it affects the whole country. This is a huge port. This is a huge part of the American economy. Part of it is just beside the point, obviously, but like disasters, a big disaster in California,
it affects the whole country.
This is a huge port.
This is a huge part of the American economy.
A disaster in North Carolina affects the whole country.
The whole idea is we help parts of the country rebuild
because it helps all of us.
We are all better off when we know that in a disaster,
if there's something that happens to our town,
our community, our state, that the resources will come in
that come over the top of what you could do locally
because that protects all of us.
Well, presumably he'd like the Republican party
to do better in California going forward.
So maybe don't punish him now.
Right.
Also, say Gavin Newsom personally went to every reservoir
and drained it so he could drink all the water himself.
Thirsty boy, yeah, sure.
So we could keep it by his house
so he could have extra water.
Why does everyone else get punished for that?
It is fucking insane.
It is an insane thing to do.
One condition that Republicans are discussing
is tying wildfire aid to the debt ceiling.
On Monday morning, Politico reported
that over dinner at Mar-a-Lago,
a group of House Republicans and President-elect Trump
explored tying disaster relief
with extending the debt limit
as a way to overcome internal Republican divisions that would likely sink any bill containing a debt ceiling increase.
They of course don't think that they can get the debt ceiling increase with just Republican votes
because you get the Chip Roys of the world who like want trillions of dollars of cuts
before they ever vote for a debt ceiling increase.
Apparently, House Speaker Mike Johnson was not in attendance at the dinner,
so no final decision has been made, but wouldn't be surprised if they move forward on this.
What do you guys think of the idea?
Do you think Democrats, House Democrats would support it?
I was relieved that we could help Donald Trump
solve a political problem for himself.
As I watched the flames creep closer to my home
and my business and where all my friends live,
I thought to myself,
I really hope there's any silver lining here.
It can be that we solve this Freedom Caucus political problem for Donald Trump. So when? So it's's any silver lining here. It can be that we solve this freedom caucus political problem for Donald Trump.
So when?
So it's called the silver lining.
So I think that's pretty galling about this too.
So the reason Johnson's wasn't there
is that this was a specific meeting.
This was a meeting with Republicans from New York,
New Jersey, California, who are specifically interested
in raising the cap on state and local tax deductions.
The reason that that's interesting is that was one of the ways they helped get the cost down on state and local tax deductions. The reasons that that's interesting
is that was one of the ways they helped get the cost down
on the original Trump tax cuts.
There's a state and local deduction
that helps people from high tax states
like California, New York and New Jersey.
And Trump is in this meeting with these guys
and they're like, this cap affected our people.
And Trump was like, I didn't know that.
Nobody told me that.
So this is a meeting of a group of House Republicans
trying to figure out a way to make the debt problem worse.
That's the goal of this meeting.
And in order to make the debt problem worse,
which is what this group of people wants to do,
they need either Democratic votes
or they need the votes of people
that have not been opposed some of the time,
a group of people that have never in their time in Congress
voted to raise the debt limit.
They've never done it.
Some of them ran for Congress voted to raise the debt limit. They've never done it. Some of them ran for Congress
just to oppose debt ceiling increases.
And so fundamentally what that meeting is
and what a lot of this is, is an admission
that Republicans are fucking stuck,
that they have to raise the debt limit,
they don't have the votes to do it,
and they're trying to figure out some way out of it.
Mike Johnson also talked about the possibility
of the condition for California
tying it to raising the debt limit,
which is just a way of saying they don't think they can do it
as Tommy was saying without Democratic votes.
Yeah, I reached out to a couple members of Congress
to see if this was gaining currency.
And they were like,
I'm not sure about the debt ceiling piece of this,
but they do think that conditioning aid
is gaining a lot of momentum,
even though no one seems to know what the conditions are.
I mean, we're like half joking, but like,
if you look at Twitter,
it's like half of the attacks are Donald Trump Jr.
saying that like DEI initiatives are the
reason there were a hundred mile per hour
wins.
And then there's the Trump stuff, which is
like forest management and the smelt fish,
which I know you and Dan talked about
Thursday and I refuse to learn more about
because it's so stupid.
Yeah.
It's all you need to listen to.
Even Gavin Newsom said, all you have to do is
listen to Pod Save America to find out
about the smell fish.
The, uh, yeah, like it's like the, the aid is
conditioned on opening up a pipe between Fresno and Laguna about the smell fish. The smell fish. Yeah, like it's like the aid is conditioned
on opening up a pipe between Fresno and Laguna
that doesn't exist.
It's like, so, but.
There's a hope there, which is like now,
so now Trump is expected to come out here next week
and he's going to talk to Newsom.
Like you could see a situation,
we're in the stupidest timeline we have been
for a long time, where all of this is bluster,
Republicans go on shows, they have to sound tough,
that's what they do.
Trump goes out and talks to Newsom,
and he's like, oh, you know, Newsom was okay,
and we came to an agreement, and they're gonna,
and the condition is like, they're gonna,
they're gonna study forest management,
or they're gonna make some bullshitty thing to like.
Gavin should make a giant faucet
and do like a grand opening, like key to the city,
ribbon cutting type thing.
Let this sink in kind of thing.
You fixed it.
Yeah, so that's the best case scenario
and by no means clear that that will happen.
Right, well, it's hard to even like, this is an emergency.
The disaster relief needs to come quickly.
And so it's like, what is the condition on California
doing some reforms?
That seems impossible.
How is that even gonna be enforced?
So it seems more about like some kind of restriction
on the money that everybody can declare victory on.
That would be the hope.
Yeah, they just wanna say that they punished
the Libs in California.
That's what they're gonna do.
Punish the woke.
They now control everything.
They control Washington Republicans.
So they need enemies, they need villains.
That's their reason for being.
And so California is gonna be a big punching bag.
Probably New York's gonna be a big punching bag too, right?
They just gotta find the libs wherever they can.
And that's going to be.
Greenland, Panama, California, California.
That's about right.
Yeah.
All right.
Let's, uh, let's talk about Los Angeles.
Yesterday, the New York times resurfaced a 2021 interview with Los Angeles,
mayor Karen Bass, where she promised to quote, not travel internationally.
Very specific pledge that Bass broke last week when she was in Ghana as the
Eaton and Palisades fires broke out in Los Angeles.
This comes after Los Angeles fire chief, Kristen Crowley told Fox 11, Los Angeles
on Friday, that under Bass's leadership, the city had failed her and her department
by not providing enough funding to her department.
Curious what you guys think of the local response so far.
Do you think the anger is warranted towards LA officials
and Mayor Bass?
I think 90% of being mayor is showing up.
And when you're out of town,
when something like this happens,
you are going to get people very angry.
And I think that's pretty justifiable anger,
especially when this was not totally predicted,
these fires, not the scope and scale,
but the conditions that led to them were
known in advance. And some of the reporting on Mayor Bass's absence notes that Mayor Hahn,
who was the mayor of Los Angeles on September 11, 2001, was in DC when the 9-11 attacks happened.
He got stranded there for three days and voters punished him for it and he lost reelection.
I read that. I had no idea about that story because I didn't live there at the time, but he took the, he got the first flight
that left the East coast back to the West coast
after 9-11.
He was on that first flight.
He was gone for a couple days.
He says 60 hours.
60 hours.
And it was still like one of the reasons
it was used against him for like the rest of his career.
Do you know who became,
who was the acting mayor in his absence?
Who?
Alex Padilla.
Huh, our Senator.
Look at that. Yeah, so whether or not the mayor should be Do you know who became, who was the acting mayor in his absence? Who? Alex Padilla. Huh.
Our Senator.
Look at that.
Yeah, so whether or not the mayor should have gone
on the trip, I think it's pretty clear
that she should have come back once the warnings
started coming in Sunday.
They were pretty grim.
Yeah, she left Saturday, the extreme warnings were Sunday
and there were warnings before that on Friday.
There were some pretty dire ones on Saturday too, yeah.
I do not think she should have been away during this time.
What I think is like, what I was like trying to,
it's so hard to understand what's going on now.
There's so much noise and you sort of step back from it.
And there's this debate about Karen Bass.
There's this, I think very reasonable and important debate
to have about how we manage fires in California, water management in California, building policies in California, all valid, all
important. I think there's an important debate to be had after this crisis about
the way in which accountability is broken up and divided between Los Angeles as a
city and Los Angeles as a county that I find quite stupid and anti-democratic and
makes it very hard to figure out who is responsible
and allows a lot of people to pass the buck.
But I also think like the kind of right-wing propaganda,
blaming everything on woke plus some of these debates
that are ultimately I think incidental to what unfolded.
Also like obscure that like
this has been an extraordinary response.
Like there has been an amazing success of local government in the face of unprecedented wildfires to get resources there.
Like these people on the lines for days without end getting in face of like climate worsening fires.
They're not responsible for people building houses
on the hills.
They're not responsible for 30 years
of forest mismanagement.
They're not responsible for long-term water policies.
They're there trying to figure out how to put this out
and like the utility companies getting power back
in a bunch of different places all at once.
Like there's a lot of good in the response too
that I feel like has been completely obscured.
Like I saw on social media, people like sharing videos
of a helicopter or plane dropping water
and like missing a building and being like,
here it is, they're a perfect example of California
and why liberal government has failed, right?
Here we have it once again, like these liberals can't do it.
You need private firefighters.
You need a Rick Crusoe, whatever it is.
And it's like, these are people doing their best.
And from where we were a few days ago
to where we are today, like they did an extraordinary job.
I think the firefighters are some of the most courageous
people in all of public life.
And the fact that they do this day in and day out,
and like you said, Love it.
I mean, these guys were, men and women were working
30 hour, 40 hour shifts straight, battling fires in extreme heat.
In some cases they didn't have water.
Now I do think-
So they haven't slept in a week.
Days, days.
I mean, we were with Newsom at the command center,
like talking to some of the firefighters there.
And they're like, this is, one guy's like,
I've been doing this for 40, 50 years.
This is the worst week of my life.
Yeah, and that's why when you've like Don Jr.
tweeting that like DEI initiatives
and the firing of a couple of white male fire chiefs is the reason, like that's so insulting to
all these firefighters out there doing their job.
Now I do think there is a debate that should be happening about the speed of the response,
pre-deployment, why some of these fire hydrants ran out of water, and I think Nusum is trying
to get to the bottom of that, but other people need to too.
There's also an argument about the fire department's budget whether it should have
been 800 million, 900 million, like I have no idea but it's a huge problem for Karen Bass
that the fire chief is saying they needed more money and they were refused. Again,
I'm also sympathetic to the idea that no fire department in the world could deal with
four massive forest fires at the same time, especially in a hundred mile per hour winds.
But clearly there were some decisions made
that hindered the response.
And I think we need to get to the bottom of them.
And also think there has been a void
in terms of just local communication.
Like, I don't know about you guys,
but like the 700 person press conferences
just don't really do it for me
when I'm looking for clear leadership.
Neither did the several false emergency alerts
that went off on our phone.
In fact, when we were recording an episode
of something on Friday or Thursday, a bunch went off
and it was like terrifying people.
One went off at four in the morning.
Terrifying.
For people who were like in Pasadena area
right near the zone.
So like it could have been them evacuating.
And by the way, yeah, I just done that too.
Like, yes, false alarms, very scary.
You do know false alarms, people aren't going
to take the real one seriously.
That's the huge, of course.
Here's my thing, like, of course, when a disaster strikes,
there's going to be plenty to criticize about,
there's going to be plenty to praise,
plenty to criticize about the response.
And as you guys both pointed out, there are plenty of debates to be plenty to praise, plenty to criticize about the response.
And as you guys both pointed out, there are plenty of debates to be had in Los Angeles
and around Los Angeles and the state of California about water, fire, all that stuff.
The challenge is, like, we can't have those debates publicly in an information environment
where you're getting these bad faith attacks from the right and all this misinformation.
And so it's so difficult to have like rational conversations.
And look, this is, we're gonna have more,
there's gonna be more disasters
and they're gonna be more frequent now
cause there's climate change.
And if we are not able to, when the disaster hits,
first focus on, okay, how do we put out the fires?
How do we take care of everyone?
Then figure out, okay, what happened?
What did everyone fuck up?
Who's to blame? Right?
Like I don't want to make the seem like we are,
I'm, I'm certainly not interested in being
partisan or not criticizing someone just
because they're a Democrat.
I don't give a shit.
Right?
Like if it turns out that like Karen Bass
really fucked up or Gavin Newsom fucked up,
whoever it is, be the first to criticize
that person, you know, but like you, you do
have to figure out the information and it's
hard to do in the fog of war,
which is where we're at right now.
And I don't know, you just gotta like,
it's just so hard to do that in this environment.
Well, like I think Newsome said this to you,
some version of like the truth requires some patience
and requires some time.
We're in the middle of it.
We're in the middle of it.
And the fact, look, pre-deployment problems, surely,
we will learn ways to do this better.
Some of it will be personalities,
individuals who made mistake.
Some of it will be structural,
which is much less interesting
and people don't give a shit about,
which will probably ultimately have been even more important.
But just the fact that these terrible fires raged
is not in and of itself a sign that the government failed
just because it looks bad on TV.
So much of this is about what looks bad on TV.
I don't want to defend Karen Bass.
I found it shocking that she went to France
for the Olympics three times,
which I learned from that article.
Three times.
That's a lot of times for Olympics.
Not enough croque madame.
I mean, I have been looking for this too.
Like it's so far, I haven't seen anyone with experience
in fighting fires or dealing with water issues
make the case that extra firefighters
or one more water reservoir,
one was offline at the time being repaired,
would have done anything to change the fact
that it was mostly severe winds
and the inability to get the helicopters in the air
that were primarily responsible for the devastation,
the palisades and in Altadena, right?
Like I'm open to, if someone can make that case,
like maybe that's wrong, but I haven't seen that.
And so that's the main thing, right?
That's the main problem.
And then everything else is really important
to figure out as we move on.
But in the interim, you're seeing tweets
with millions and millions of views saying,
because Karen Bass was out of town,
the acting mayor didn't declare an emergency declaration,
which is why Biden didn't get the water dropping
Navy helicopters into the air until Wednesday.
And you read that and you're like-
I got many people said that to me.
You sent me this tweet.
And some of my friends were like,
why weren't the Helos there?
Why weren't the Navy dropping planes there?
And you read it and you think, okay,
this is a person who seems to have had a big job
in local LA politics.
And then you think for five seconds to yourself
and you're like, Joe Biden doesn't have access
to special magic helicopters that can fly around
with tons and tons of water and a hundred mile power winds.
This is clearly nonsense.
And the disaster declaration stuff,
like 99% of that is about getting resources
or funding to an area hit by a disaster after the fact,
not before it ends.
It's Elon Musk who has been doing some good stuff
and like setting up Starlink and helping around here
with some of the clean up.
But at the beginning, the beginning of this is going on,
Alex Jones, this whole video, this like 40 minute video,
where he said that the fires were part of a larger
globalist plot to cause the collapse
of the United States.
And Elon responds to him, true.
It's for the most part though.
What are we doing?
A climate change hero, Elon Musk.
It is like sort of the mirror image
of the kind of conspiratorial mindset.
Like that, whatever, that's fucking nuts.
And but like, no, most people do not believe
that the government is responding
as a conspiracy to hurt California. Right, but like, no, most people do not believe that the government is responding as a conspiracy
to hurt California, right?
But I think like the mirror image of people assuming
that there is some kind of conspiracy
that explains everything is in a crisis like this,
it can't just be bad.
It has to be because people have failed us.
There has to be individuals who are responsible.
There has to be someone to blame right now,
because I can't handle the uncertainty of just knowing
that people are doing their best
and it's not working.
It has to be something else.
It has to be more about a human failure.
Which is a very human impulse
and I think it's just magnified in an age
where we just see way too much information
and way too many people who pretend to be experts.
And just bad actors and people who should know better.
You know, Elon Musk knows better.
He understands the impact of climate change.
For him to reply to Alex Jones and boost that guy,
it's indefensible.
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On Monday afternoon, president Biden kicked off his final week in the white
house with a speech before the state department defending his foreign policy
legacy. Biden made the case that the United States has strengthened its
alliances in the face of authoritarian aggression and weakened its greatest adversaries, Russia,
China, and Iran. The speech marks another stop on Biden's farewell tour, which included
an exclusive interview with USA Today last week and an upcoming televised address to
the nation on Wednesday evening. Here's a clip of Biden's foreign policy speech.
When Putin invaded Ukraine, he thought he's starting to conquer kevin matter days
the truth is
since that war began i'm the only one who stood in the center of keith not
him
could never have
my administration leaving the next administration with a very strong and
the play
relieving them
and america
more friends and stronger alliances whose adversaries
are weaker and under pressure.
An America that once again is leading, uniting countries, setting the agenda, bringing others
together behind our plans and visions.
Tommy, what'd you make of the speech?
Anything surprising or missing that was notable?
So I think, I'm curious what you guys think.
I think even pretty highly engaged voters
are gonna remember like two to three things
you did on foreign policy.
I think for Obama, it's gonna be Bin Laden operation,
probably maybe the Syria red line.
The more charitable version is, you know,
Paris climate accords or the Iran deal, right?
Like a few things, big things.
I think like Bin Laden, for like most-
Bin Laden's number one.
From medium info voters, yeah.
Bin Laden's number one.
I think, so I wish it was-
Maybe Iran Deal.
Different, I wish it was-
Winding down the world around.
New start or a Cuba normalization
or some of the other stuff we did,
but I think it's probably those bigger things.
And for Biden, I think the list of things
that he's gonna be remembered for on foreign policy are the Afghanistan withdrawal, Gaza, and then something about Ukraine.
And I think what's hard for Biden in this speech is that while I think that ending the war in Afghanistan was objectively the right thing to do and a risky political decision, it will be remembered as a failure.
But the Gaza piece.
Because of the withdrawal.
Because of withdrawal.
But the Gaza piece, the wars is an unmitigated disaster.
And despite Biden's sort of bigger picture claims in the speech that we've, you know,
he's restored our standing in the world and diplomacy, I think Gaza has hurt our diplomatic
standing, and it's made us less safe.
Like his own NCTC director,
the National Counterterrorism Center said,
anti-American sentiment driven by the war in Gaza
is at a level not seen since the Iraq war
and groups like Al-Qaeda and ISIS are recruiting
on that sentiment, issuing the most specific calls
for attacks on America in years.
So it's like, this speech seemed like they kind of wanted
to pull out Gaza and, and
make it an afterthought when I really think it's
going to be the center of his foreign policy
legacy, especially when, you know, there's
reporting last week, the Lancet, very prestigious
medical journal, they did a study of the death
toll in Gaza in the first nine months and they
found it to be 40% higher than the official
account from the Hamas health ministry. So I
think like the story about this war is going
to get worse and worse over time.
And there's just the tone and tenor of how they
talk about it has not changed.
I think obviously you do these speeches because
you want to change that narrative.
You want to talk about the investments in
technology and alliances and climate change and
rallying the world on Ukraine.
And I think he deserves a lot of credit on Ukraine,
but even that section felt a little bit divorced
from the current reality,
which is that Russia has gained momentum on the battlefield
and the Ukrainians have a very uncertain future
with Donald Trump coming in.
So I get why you do this speech, but I think, you know,
it didn't, I'm not sure that it's gonna be effective.
It was sort of striking that you could imagine
Joe Biden giving a very, very similar version of the speech
had Kamala Harris won.
And like I came away from it, like he says,
overall we have reinvigorated people's faith
in the United States as a true, true partner.
Is that true?
Have you done that?
Do you think that's where people are right now?
As they watch you hand the keys over to Donald Trump?
Even if there is some truth to the fact
that you have reestablished relationships
and had the achievements that you're describing,
you live in a world where your presidency
will be bookended by Donald Trump
and all the damage and policy changes that that brings.
And you can try to pretend otherwise
and you can subtly or not so subtly kind of hint at,
trying to create kind of like political leverage on Trump
about the position he'll enter the office in,
the changes that Joe Biden has made,
but the speech largely seems to ignore the fact
that we're about to transition to someone
who is gonna do great damage to our policies
internationally and our reputation.
I think that Joe Biden and his administration
are not the first to want to hammer home
their accomplishments. Every administration wants to do that. that Joe Biden and his administration are not the first to want to hammer home their
accomplishments. Every administration wants to
do that. I think what they have done is a
lesson for future administrations, hopefully
future democratic administrations, that
ignoring reality and just sort of like not
wrestling with the challenges that are still
there at the end of your presidency, your mistakes, your failings, your shortcomings.
Some maybe, which even if you don't believe
you were at fault for them, acknowledging them,
wrestling with them in a speech, talking to
people about them is still the best way to
either change people's minds or at least let
people know like where you are on the issue.
To me, it felt like there's, there's no
theme, there's no story to this speech.
There's no, it was like a Senate floor speech to his Senate foreign relations
committee, uh, you know, colleagues.
And it just, it struck me to what you said, love it.
It's like, since the election, we're all in a bit of denial that Donald Trump went.
Right.
We're all sort of, it's very different than in 2016.
We've talked about all the reasons, but we're all in a bit of denial. We're all sort of, we haven't quite grappled with
it yet, but he's the president of the United States and he hasn't grappled with it really.
It's a weird, and I don't think Kamala Harris really has either, like no Democrat really has.
It's just very, it's a weird feeling to have the president of the United States give a, and maybe,
maybe the speech Wednesday night, the Oval Office address will wrestle with some of this and sort of the future of democracy.
But I was, I was trying to, I'm like, what, what,
what would a speech have been that, uh, really
would have sort of addressed some of these,
these larger issues.
And I think it would have been him like talking
about Gaza and what happened and making his case
on Gaza and, and talking about the fact that as
proud as he is of what we did with Ukraine,
the future there is very uncertain.
And talking about how he's so proud of making
the decision on Afghanistan, but yeah, the withdrawal
and the way it went, he's always gonna think about that
and he's always gonna remember that.
You know, like there's just, there was no nuance
or subtlety or even just like a little daylight
and like, yeah, we had some problems.
There's a refusal to give critics an inch
and entertain their criticism as valid.
And just on Gaza, like it came up first obliquely
in the context of him talking about how the administration
rallied a coalition to prevent attacks by the Houthis
in the Red Sea.
And it's like, Mr. President, why are the Houthis attacking
ships in the Red Sea?
It's because of the war in Gaza. And Then when we finally get to the Gaza section,
20 minutes into the speech, he says Palestinians suffer terribly in this war.
They've been through hell. So many innocent people have been killed.
And there's just no effort to sort of contend with the fact that they were killed mostly by
American weapons that we gave the Netanyahu administration. And while you could defend
a military intelligence
response to the war in the very early months,
15 months later, we're still just hoping for a ceasefire
that has been eluded his grasp over and over and over again.
So yeah, I think there's a divorce from kind of the horrors
of what people see.
Yeah, it's also, okay, you're describing
your accomplishments,
but we're seeing Donald Trump take office here,
we're seeing right-wing movements rising around the world.
What have you learned about that?
Like, I don't need you to take on your critics.
I understand not wanting to engage with them,
but like, what have you learned about being president?
What have you learned about America?
You could have done,
and even if you wanted to not get into the Gaza of it all,
you could have done a speech about sort of the rising authoritarian movements
around the world, what you learned over the last few years,
bring in Trump, talk about,
like you could have done a whole,
there could have been a number of interesting speeches
that weren't just like,
here's all the amazing things we did, you're all wrong.
We did the best we could, we did great stuff and that's it.
And maybe, you know, you don't go to the hardware store
for milk and like, I guess I'm not gonna get anything
from Joe Biden beyond America's best days are ahead.
And maybe that's all we can really expect from him
at this point, but it's like, this is a dark moment
for this country.
It will be a dark few years for this country
pretending otherwise just makes you irrelevant.
Yeah, and just look, any sort of conversation
about legacy or accomplishments is impossible
to really have right now.
The end of the story is unwritten.
Donald Trump might unwind some things.
He might not.
I mean, a lot of this happened to Obama.
The Iran deal went away.
The Cuba opening went away.
But there's a lot of things that we're really
proud of that Donald Trump fucked up and that
could happen again.
And so I understand taking a swing, but I agree
with you, I just, I don't think it's convincing
to talk about sort of AUKUS and, you know, alliances in the face of,
Yeah, in the face of, you know, handing the keys over to
Donald Trump.
It's a lot of talk about alliances, but alliances are
a means to an end.
And it's not just like we have alliances and alliances
are great for that reason, right?
And so like, what are the larger goals?
And I was thinking about, as he prepares to deliver
this final farewell address,
like how he could do that in a way that I would find inspiring or at least
comforting, you know, I do think that like, he could frame it as like, here are
the fights that I took on, here's where we made some progress, here's where we
weren't able to, right.
And then here's a path forward for everyone.
Here's why I'm still hopeful and some humility, some recognition of where we are now.
You know, like you could imagine,
and look, it is a, like you said,
he's just, he's in a tough, tough situation right now
because Donald Trump won and it was a fucking mess
and so I get that.
Yeah, I'm being very harsh.
I also think that's like, this is not a moment where we,
like no speech can resolve our frustrations,
hoe anger, fear for what's about to come.
And that's an impossible position.
There's also just, there's some things that we all know
are kind of stump speech lines though.
And the conclusion about how he's never been more optimistic
about the future for the United States
and the kind of whispering and the yelling
about how there's nothing beyond our capacity as a country.
Like he must believe that in his bones,
which is why he says it all the time,
but boy, it could not have felt more hollow in this moment
given what we're about to go through.
I'm a pretty hopeful, optimistic person.
I can tell you, I've definitely felt more optimistic.
Many, many times.
Yeah, and that's okay.
At several points.
43 years on this earth, I could tell it,
most of the years I felt more optimistic than this one.
It's just like, yeah, it's just sort of like,
we're going backwards, man.
That's, you're gonna have to, we have to,
we're gonna face it whether you can or not.
And part of the reason, this is not just to beat up
on Joe Biden, we do that a lot now, but like,
this is for other Democrats, by the way,
who are gonna run for president again next time.
Like, we cannot just do the happy talk here.
And that's not to like, we don't wanna bring everyone down,
but in order to inspire people and to get everyone
to be hopeful again, you have to acknowledge the reality.
You have to grapple with what we're dealing with right now.
Can I make the nerdiest analogy I've ever made in this show?
We're gonna have to debate that, but sure.
You just set the bar pretty high.
So in Star Trek Next Generation.
Good start.
Every once in a while,
and every once in a while there's an episode
where they go to the Battle Bridge.
And basically the bridge is where they have
their kind of highfalutin conversations.
There's a conference room off the bridge
where you sit and you talk about the nature of,
of life and, and what it means to be a space
fairing people, but that every once in a while,
the ship gets so fucked up and so many people
are dead and something is so broken that they gotta
go to the battle bridge.
I just think we need a battle bridge.
Okay.
Mindset.
That's all I get now.
Yeah.
We've been defeated every which way.
A bridge direction.
People have blown.
Yeah, exactly. A bridge direction. We're in. A bridge surrection? People have blown, yeah, exactly.
A bridge surrection.
We're in the Battle Bridge, the shit has hit the fan,
the saucer is separated, that's the energy.
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Okay.
Before we jump to the interview, some quick news about our new MAGA oligarchs.
Last week, Mark Zuckerberg followed up his announcement that the company would abandon
fact checking, content moderation, and DEI initiatives by sitting down with, who else, Joe Rogan.
It was a wide-ranging two-hour interview that included plenty of Trump ass-kissing and complaints
that content moderation is just too difficult. Let's listen.
I think you start one of these if you care about giving people a voice.
You know, I wasn't too deep on our content policies for like the first 10 years of the company.
It was just kind of well known across the company
that we were trying to give people the ability
to share as much as possible.
I kind of think in 2016 in the aftermath,
I gave too much deference to a lot of folks in the media
who were basically saying, okay,
there's no way that this guy could have gotten elected
except for misinformation.
People just felt like the fact checkers were too biased.
I don't know, it's something out of like,
you know, 1984, one of these books where it's just like,
it really is a slippery slope.
And it just got to a point where it's just,
okay, this is destroying so much trust,
especially in the United States, to have this program.
If the U.S. tech industry is going to continue
being really strong,
I do think that the U.S. government has a role
in basically defending it abroad.
And that's one of the things that I'm optimistic about
will happen in this administration.
Tommy, you listened to the interview over the weekend.
First, why, and second, what's the story to you?
Long drive.
Time to kill.
My takeaways were this was an interview
for an audience of two, Joe Rogan and Donald Trump.
And I think in that sense, it was a very effective one
in terms of his spin.
But it was just so fundamentally dishonest.
I mean, Zuckerberg acts like he is a brand new CEO who
just took charge at Facebook and is mopping up all the
Slop created by his predecessor not the guy who founded the company, right?
He's like a newborn baby viewing everything with fresh eyes and his new stylist and it's just but this idea that he was not involved in
Content moderation decisions for the first decade. I'm sorry. What were you doing then?
That is such bullshit or the idea that Facebook was founded on free speech. No, you were ranking hot girls in your dorm,
and then you wanted to get rich.
Well, we can't stop with these fairy tales.
But mostly, he's mad about government regulation,
and he points to two inflection points as really
being kind of like learning moments.
One is the 2016 election and Facebook's role
in the way they got criticized for Russian disinformation
on the platform, and then COVID.
And on the 2016 election, it was instructive
because he talks about, he says,
upon reflection, I gave too much deference
to people in the media who said there was misinformation
because, you know, and I wish I hadn't done that.
The point being that he believed the media
when they said that only through misinformation
could Trump have been elected.
But those of us who were paying attention at the time,
remember, that's not how it all
went down.
His response two days after the election was to call it crazy to suggest that Russia could
have influenced the election.
And then fast forward to October of 2017, Facebook then says that the Russian posts
could have reached up to 126 million Americans.
And just to be clear, I don't think Russia is why Hillary lost, but the strongest data point
that they were a factor came from Facebook.
So his whole narrative there is total bullshit.
He's obviously very mad about whatever the Biden team did
during COVID.
He's very mad about Biden saying that people
were getting killed because of information on Facebook
that was leading to vaccine hesitancy or whatever.
But the whole thing is just a naked attempt
to position the company for the Trump era.
And like more broadly, he says zero self-awareness.
Like he criticizes Apple for not innovating since the iPhone.
This is a company that just steals features from Snapchat
and then buys Instagram.
If you wanna count the goggles, whatever.
Yeah, yeah, those are going to get the Oculus.
And then at one point he's complaining about like trust
in the media and influential people.
And he says, quote, the whole cultural elite class
needs to get repopulated with people we actually trust.
We agree, Mark.
That's why we want you to go away.
So it's a very frustrating listen,
but he wins over Rogan like that.
He also had some interesting things to say about masculinity, a subject on which
he is, of course, the foremost authority. Let's listen.
Just, I think a lot of the corporate world is, is like pretty culturally neutered.
There's something, the, the, the kind of masculine energy I think is, is good.
I think having a culture that like celebrates the aggression a bit more has its own merits that are really positive
Just like having a thing that I can just like do with my guy friends and like yeah
And it's just like we're just like beat each other a bit. It's good
It is good. I agree. I just wish we could beat each other more
Keep beating it. Just getary, you'll never believe it.
We were just in the studio and it felt like a normal day.
Maybe it was what was happening in our city.
Just nice that we can beat each other.
Whoa, what is that?
It strikes me as like so obvious and transparent
that it's just, it's like sloppy.
So yeah, no, first of all, love,
love advice on masculinity.
From Bart Zuckerberg.
From someone dressed by a stylish
to look like East Brunswick's coolest bar mitzvah DJ.
Yeah, I mean, I was trying to figure out
what this even really means,
like the corporate culture has been neutered.
And I think it means yelling at employees is actually,
I think it's a lot like less like,
cause there's a sort of, I think,
like kind of corporate idea, right?
That like feminine structures are more flat
and collaborative and male structures
are more hierarchical and aggressive, right?
And I think they feel like,
this is like all me too, post,
this is like post me too, post BLM language backlash.
Part of it.
Mark Andreessen, Peter Thiel, sort of like techno
authoritarianism, like the strong must survive
and a few really smart people must run the strong must survive. And we, and we, a few really smart people
must run the world and they have to be strong
and masculine and smart.
Yeah. It's also like, it's such a silly thing,
but like, you know, it's, it really reminds you
of 1984 in the slippery slope.
No slippery slope in 1984.
You're right there in it.
In 1984 in books, in other books.
The clock strikes 13.
Books like that.
Yeah. Books like that. Books like 1984.
1984, you're never, there's no before you're in it.
You're just in it.
You actually never get the slope.
You're at the bottom of it.
Who set the corporate culture at Facebook, Mark?
Who decided that Facebook- Who's in charge of neutering?
That Facebook was going to do content moderation
and monitor COVID and COVID vaccine misinformation.
They said they were gonna do it.
And then when the government reached out,
the government was saying, hey, you have a policy on this.
So we wanted to point out things
that are violating your policy.
They came up with the policy.
Yeah, there's a freedom that comes from being like Trump
or wanting to be in Trump's good graces.
And people talk about the ways in which it's sort of,
like that you just have to kind of basically,
you know, agree with Trump and then you're in his favor.
But there's a subtle way in which I think what you also
get to do is pretend that there are no hard choices in life.
And Zuckerberg does that a bit in this interview
where he acknowledges that there are difficult decisions
and some filters have more false positives
and more false negatives.
But what he's doing here when he talks about COVID, he talks about misinformation in 2016,
he's not acknowledging the trade-off.
There was a ton of misinformation on Facebook, whether it helped or hurt or mattered, I don't
know.
There was a ton of dangerous misinformation on COVID, right?
Maybe some things got swept up in that net that now in hindsight they think maybe went
too far and maybe was not correct but didn't need to be taken down, whatever.
But there was dangerous misinformation.
That was a very real issue.
And if you're gonna do less of that,
as you said in your own video,
that there will be worse and terrible things
you now see on Facebook as a result.
There are trade-offs here.
You built this platform.
And Tommy, to your point about him not thinking
about content moderation,
I think it actually is like a kind of more damning thing
to believe him.
Because I do think whether it was Twitter,
Twitter did not start as a platform
for people to share their political views.
It wasn't about what you thought,
it was about what was happening.
It was supposed to be about sharing where you are.
Facebook was about a post,
I mean, obviously it was about ranking hot faces,
but like it was not about politics.
It was about posting about your life and your community.
They have all been continuously over and over again
caught off guard by what happens when politics
and celebrity intercede into their platforms.
And then they built something so big,
they couldn't control it.
If you build a building and you're like,
sorry, it's too big to make sure it's safe.
Nobody gives you a credit for it,
but they built something too big to be made safe.
Also, he's getting rid of content moderation
at the time that they also announced that
they're bringing back politics on Facebook.
Right.
They're turning the politics knob on again.
And they're getting rid of all their DEI initiatives and stuff.
I mean, what's so frustrating about this, if you've been paying attention to Mark Zuckerberg
on Facebook over the last 20 years, like every few years he does something like this, he
apologizes for something and he has a new revelation. And basically they turn like happy to glad
and some corporate governance policies
and kind of like bend whichever way
the political winds shift them.
But we also know that, you know, there were,
most of the moderation was done in the United States.
There were other countries where there was no moderation,
like in Myanmar, where Facebook was used
to foment a genocide and played a pretty key role
in horrible ethnic violence.
So the idea that there's some revelation
that they should just do less.
I mean, I wasted a lot of time today in my prep
and I read his 6,000 word letter to the community
of Mark Zuckerbergs from 2017,
where they talked about how accuracy of information
is very important, our approach will focus less
on banning misinformation and more on surfacing additional perspectives
and information including the fact checkers,
disputing items, accuracy, blah, blah.
It's like.
Guess he wasn't really involved in that.
Yeah, we're just relearning the same things over and over.
But that was interesting too
because I remember he was criticized from the left
because he wasn't taking posts down.
He was just gonna demonetize them
or lower them in the rankings.
I can't remember what it was.
Yeah, they algorithmically made it so they were less shared
but they also got yelled at
for taking down newsworthy videos related
to Black Lives Matter.
They took down a famous photo of a little girl
who had been hit with napalm in Vietnam, remember?
So they overcorrected in some ways.
And so I have sympathy for just how hard this problem is,
but I just have no sympathy for how transparent this is an attempt at getting just
in Trump's good graces.
To our previous conversation about Biden
acknowledging reality.
This is, this is also happening right here,
right?
Like content moderation is difficult.
Like you just said, like we talk about this
on offline all the time.
If he had come out and said, Hey, we've tried
all these different ways to moderate content.
None of them please anyone.
It's too hard.
We're going to try this.
Would it like acknowledge that you just
couldn't do it, that the problem is too hard?
Probably would have still gotten criticism
from all sides to get that.
But like, this is all just bullshit.
This is just like, uh, Donald Trump,
don't throw me in jail, but also like,
maybe I've been red-pilled.
Uh, and, uh, you know, Kevin Roos in the
New York times, his piece on this suggested
that maybe like Zuckerberg's views have changed.
Maybe he has been radicalized since 2020,
which, you know, good for him.
I think there's some evidence in Kevin's piece
from sources he talked to that maybe
Mark Zuckerberg is becoming a Republican,
but there's also just a wave of tech giants.
Like The Daily had a great piece on Mark Andreessen today
in Silicon Valley generally
and how they shifted away from Democrats to Republicans. And the gist of it is like you're
saying before, love it, to be a part of the MAGA movement, you have to jump through one hoop,
which is to say you support Donald Trump in everything he does and says. The Democratic
party, we set up an infinite number of hoops that you also have to jump through. And if you screw
one up, we'll slap the shit out of you.
And all these guys got the shit slapped out of them multiple times publicly for
things they said, things they did.
Uh, there's this piece in the Andreessen, uh, story about when Zuckerberg and his
wife announced that they were giving away 99% of their money to charity and they
were criticized for doing it through, I think it was like a for-profit entity or
something, I don't even remember all the details but they
all feel like I remember thinking that was bullshit that criticism yeah right
within you know they all feel like you know we want to be called geniuses we
did the right thing we played by your rules we used your language and we did
your training initiatives and you know you still hate us and so okay now we're
gonna try something new there's a part in the interview where he said that,
that they felt in some way kind of attacked
by the Biden administration.
And he thought that like, hey, like, you know,
we're America, you're supposed to be on our team.
We're in a world here and we're supposed to be fighting
other countries and other countries tech platforms
and that at least Donald Trump wants America to win, right?
Which it feel like a kind of something,
it reminded me of what I heard over the years from various,
like kind of high up tech people, which is that like, yeah,
our companies are making mistakes, but you don't want to regulate them.
You don't want to break them up because we're actually in a fight with China.
We're actually in a fight with these other countries.
And I think that that is sincerely, sincerely.
Yeah. And he doesn't like content moderation policies from other countries.
Yeah, like in some cases,
obviously there's a competition with China.
I don't like the Chinese Communist Party.
I do think they lean on that as a cudgel.
Like Mark Andreessen isn't as worried about, you know,
the AI race with China as he is about making a lot of money
off of Bitcoin, right?
Yeah.
And I think with Zuckerberg,
I do think there is a lesson
in this story, in this broader flight of tech people
to the Republican Party that Democrats should learn
and about maybe about how we talk
to people we disagree with.
So I was talking to another tech person back in the day,
and I remember this person telling me
that he had been protested during COVID.
And I said, why did they protest you?
He's a pretty big low profile tech guy.
And he's like, oh, well, billionaires
shouldn't exist or something.
And I think that that moment where a bunch of people
came to this person's house who founded a pretty prominent tech
company that I knew kind of tangentially radicalized him.
And this guy ended up giving tens and tens of millions
of dollars to the Republican Party.
And I think there's probably a pretty direct line between
his perception of how he was treated by Democrats
and where he ended up.
Yeah, again, there's a difference between
what might be the morally right or feel like the right thing to do
and what is the most effective thing to do for the larger cause.
All right, before we jump to the interview,
some housekeeping, Crooked's friends at Vote Save America Action and Crooked Ideas
have set up a disaster relief fund
to benefit those impacted by the horrific wildfires
here in LA.
It's super easy for you to make one donation
that's split among incredible charities
doing really important work for our neighbors
and our first responders.
If you donate to the fund,
it gets split between the Latino Community Foundation,
offers financial assistance, housing assistance, emergency translation for people in heavily Latino communities here
in Los Angeles affected by the fires.
There's the Los Angeles Regional Food Bank, there's the Los Angeles Fire Department Foundation,
there's the United Way of Greater Los Angeles, there's the California Community Foundation
Wildfire Relief Fund.
Those are the five organizations we have now. Usually in these relief funds, sometimes we change out
the organizations we're working with.
Or add.
Or add, right?
We talk to the local partners on the ground.
Thanks to all of you, we have raised nearly $100,000
for these groups so far, nearly $100,000.
We've done relief funds just like this before.
Most recently for Hurricane Helene Relief.
We also did it during the pandemic. We've done relief funds just like this before, most recently for Hurricane Helene relief. We also did it during the pandemic.
We've done it many times.
For some reason, a bunch of right-wing media people
and Republican operatives spent the weekend accusing us
and VoteSave America of running a scam
and stealing money from fire victims in our own city
and soliciting people's contact info
so we can do political fundraising,
all of which has made me angrier and more upset
than anything in a really long time,
and that's saying a lot.
Their claim is that because the Relief Fund
is run through ActBlue,
which is also a democratic fundraising platform,
that ActBlue takes 4% of the donations for themselves
and then uses your contact info to spam you
for candidate fundraising, this is complete bullshit.
And anyone who bothered to do even the most cursory Googling would
have found that out.
The Relief Fund is run through ActBlue Charities, which is a tax-deductible charitable organization
that has a 97% rating on Charity Navigator, by the way.
The 4% fee goes to the banks and credit card companies for processing your online donation,
a type of fee that every charitable organization has to pay banks and credit card companies if processing your online donation, a type of fee that every charitable organization has to pay
banks and credit card companies if they accept online donations.
The only way to avoid that fee is by dropping off cash
at the organization yourself or writing a personal check.
And your contact info, which you obviously have to provide
if you're making a donation, is never used by us
to like solicit donations for candidates.
We don't add you to the vote, save America list.
You opt into vote, save America
or you sign up for vote, save America, that's it.
Could you donate directly to the organizations I just read
by going right to their websites?
Absolutely, you're free to if you want.
They would by the way, still be paying the processing fee.
Yeah, somebody's gotta pay the credit card fee.
This was like over the weekend.
It was just a, we were just facing this tiny
insignificant example of like how anything that is happening
in the world gets fed into this like meat grinder
of information because it's just like, everyone asks us,
where should we donate?
How should we help?
And so the team vets organizations puts them
in an easy place and you can donate the money
and the money gets sent to those groups.
And we don't take a cut, we don't take any money from it.
And we take, we talk to the groups,
the reason the groups like it
is because we have a big platform and big reach
and a lot of times for local orgs,
not for like the Red Cross or something like that,
but for local organizations,
whether it's in North Carolina, for Helene or here,
they appreciate that we have this big reach
in this big community, right?
Millions of people listen to this podcast every week.
And so they're like, oh, this is great.
Yeah, this helps us.
And then it's like, no, you're stealing the money. No, we're not. We're not taking a cent
from donations. But then it's like, you're actually doing it to get the email addresses. Like, hey,
guys, we ask people for their email addresses when we want people's email addresses. You think we
like we watched our city catch fire. We're like, this is a great opportunity to set up a charitable
fund so that we can harvest email addresses for future political campaigns.
I said that was what I thought as I was loading
my two small children into the car and escaping Los Angeles
because I was worried that we might burn.
Yeah, that's what I was thinking.
What scam could we set up?
But it's just, we use ActBlue because our audience
is used to using ActBlue and like reducing friction
in these things and making it easy for people to donate
is a great way to get them to actually donate.
If you're sending people to a bunch of different websites,
they're just gonna
tap out and not end up completing it.
And I just want to say, the reason we're even bringing this up, it's not a bunch of like
random mega trolls online.
Like this, the number of accounts, right?
Like National Review, the Free Beacon, the Washington Exam, all the right-wing rags were
all over this.
Republican operatives who should know better because they've been in politics
were attacking, it was insane.
It made me actually think is like a longer conversation,
but just Twitter has really become like something
that it was not before with the right-wing accounts there.
And when they jump onto something,
it like goes so far and so fast
that it's like, it suddenly goes beyond your control.
Here's the good news on all this,
is that most of the money,
I just said almost $100,000 was raised,
most of the money came in after Saturday,
which is when this whole thing got kicked up online.
Yeah, that was what I was hoping.
That was how I reassured myself.
I was unfolding, I was like,
oh, this is generating attention for the fund.
And maybe people in our audience or outside of our audience
that would understand that this is fucking bullshit,
will see this.
It's like, oh, these are great organizations
that are helping on the ground.
They're great organizations.
And so please donate, votesaveamerica.com slash relief.
Or if you're scared off by that,
you can go to the individual organizations.
Just write down the names and go to their website.
Just donate because people need the help here.
That's all.
Don't care how you donate, just if you can do.
But you should feel very happy to do it
through votesaveamerica.com slash relief.
Yeah, all right, when we come back,
Chair of the Minnesota DFL, Ken Martin.
Potsave America is brought to you by ZipRecruiter.
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Ken Martin, welcome to Pod Save America. Thank you so much.
I'm glad to be here.
So people who listen to this show
know that we're all longtime friends and fans
of one of your opponents, Ben Wickler,
but we really want to get to know you
and make sure our listeners get to know you
and know why you want this extremely challenging
and thankless job as
DNC chair, where everyone seems to blame you when things go wrong and credit someone else
when things go right.
So what made you decide, that's the job for me.
I want that job.
Well, let me just start by saying thanks for having me.
And isn't it a little crazy that this race is coming down to two middle-aged white guys
from the Midwest with three-letter
first names, Ken and Ben. Who would have thunk it?
Who would have thunk it? Yeah.
Who would have thunk it? No, it's great. And Ben's a wonderful
friend. He's doing great things in Wisconsin for sure. Look, for me, I've always said being a
party chair is the political equivalency of being a fire hydrant, right? You get pissed on by everyone,
like you said. You get none of the credit when you win, all the blame when you lose. And of course,
if you're doing your job the right way, you're saying no more than you're
saying yes.
So by the time it's over, you have far fewer friends.
So I'm eyes wide open about this.
I've been the chair of the Minnesota DFL the last 14 years, came in to this job right after
the disastrous midterm elections in 2010, where we suffered throughout the country,
as you remember, John, one of the worst shellac ins we faced as a party in years.
And that was true in Minnesota.
We lost a 40-year Senate majority.
We lost the state house.
We lost the longest held congressional seat in Congress in the Eighth District with Jim
Overstarr and many races up and down the ballot.
I happened to help run a campaign for governor that year where we were successful in getting
Mark Dayton elected by just 8,750 votes. And so to your point, I mean we had to at
that point, the morale was low, the finger pointing was high, the name calling, the
blaming, people, the morale was so low and people were fleeing the party, right?
All of our stakeholders, donors, progressive partners and allies,
candidates, no one wanted anything to do with the party.
And what it took is, when I came in as party chair,
it took someone to be able to bring all those groups
back to the table and realize if we're going to build power
again, we had to figure out a plan to win.
And we did that.
And we got back in power within two years,
and we haven't lost since.
And we're in a similar moment right now, right?
Where there's low morale, a lot of
finger pointing, a lot of people trying to place blame. I'm, by the way, not here to win the
argument. I want us to win elections again, and that's what we've done in Minnesota. And so there's
a lot of reasons why I'm running. I'm very clear-eyed about what this job isn't. It's not a pathway to
glory for people thinking that this is a pathway to relevancy. It really isn't that either.
The next DNC chair has to focus relentlessly
on building the infrastructure throughout this country
to put us on a path to win again.
And so that's why I'm running.
So there's a story you can tell about 2024
that Trump's win was narrow.
Kamala Harris came close in the battleground states,
Democrats in the Senate and House and down ballot did better than you might think given how
most people say they feel about the economy and the direction of the country.
And then there's a story about how Democrats lost ground with nearly every
demographic group in nearly every state, especially Latino voters and voters who
didn't go to college, and because of that lost for the second time to a convicted
felon who tried to steal the last election. Which of those stories sounds more right to you? I think both
are accurate, right? They're both accurate. It was a close election, right? And we
think about the presidential race, a hundred and fourteen thousand vote swing
of three battleground states, and we'd be talking about a Kamala Harris
presidency right now. Same with the House races, right? Seven thousand votes
between three battleground districts. We'd be talking about Speaker Jeffries.
So it was a close election.
But there's no doubt that what you said,
the second part of that is absolutely accurate.
We lost ground with big parts of our coalition.
And there's a whole host of reasons for that.
Many of them we don't know at this point.
Of course we know we lost ground with Latino voters.
We lost ground with younger voters.
We lost ground with working class households, with women.
We lost ground with every demographic group
with just a couple, and I'll get to that in a moment.
But the reality is that we have to figure out the how
and why we lost ground.
We have to look at ad spend.
We have to look at messaging.
We have to look at our organizing tactics, right?
Before we're too prescriptive with the solutions,
we have to really dig into why those groups left
us. And I would say one of the big lessons from this last election was the spring of 2024,
there was research that came out that showed for the first time in American history, the perceptions
of the two political parties have actually changed. The majority of Americans now feel that the
Republican Party best represents the interests of the working class and the poor,
and the Democratic Party is a party of the wealthy and the elites.
And the only two groups, by the way, just to prove the point that we actually overperformed with,
were wealthy households and college-educated voters.
That is a damning indictment, John, on who we are.
That's not who we are as a party.
We have always been the party that's fought for the working class and the poor.
We've always been the party that's fought for the working class and the poor. We've always been the party that's fought
for the oppressed and marginalized.
And so we have a lot of work to do, right?
And it's not gonna change overnight.
And the other thing we need to acknowledge,
and you know this, you've been involved for a long time,
this wasn't a singular occurrence,
all those groups leaving us.
This has been happening underneath our nose for some time.
And we have to stem the tide and reverse the tide.
We need to get those groups to come back to us.
Well, obviously, we need to wait for more data
to sort of dive into the national picture.
From your perspective as someone who's been on the ground
in Minnesota for the last decade,
obviously these trends have happened
in every state in the country.
Minnesota is no exception.
You guys have, I think, a little better.
You have probably higher percentage of college-educated voters than some Midwestern states, so you
would imagine Minnesota does a little better.
But you've probably seen the attrition with voters without a college degree in your state.
What do you think has caused it, just from your perspective in Minnesota?
Well, I'll use some personal examples of that.
My brother, who's a union carpenter,
he voted for Obama in eight and 12,
and Trump in 16, 20, and 24, right?
My father-in-law is a beef cattle farmer
in southern Minnesota.
Same thing, voted for Obama and then voted for Trump.
So we know that there are people
who are moving away from our party,
and I think part of the challenge again-
Did you ask them why? Why? What was the change?
Well, you know, each of them had different reasons, right?
And I'm happy to get into them
but I think the larger point you're making is is that we have continued to lose ground with with
non-college-educated voters and part of that is I believe we've allowed our party to
Essentially devolve into smaller and smaller messages, right?
To appeal to different parts
of our really big tent coalition.
And as a result, we've lost the narrative, right?
We've lost the thing that connects
all of the disparate parts of our coalition.
And what is that?
Well, I'll tell you, Paul Wellstone,
my first boss in politics, understood this.
He understood that what connected a corn farmer in southern Minnesota with a steel worker
on the iron range and a new refugee in the Twin Cities was economics, right?
Kitchen table issues, bread and butter issues that at the end of the day people are worried
about.
And let me just give you an example of this.
For me, you know, when we talk about working people and labor as an example,
we just talked about this the other night,
too many people feel like we only show up
when we're asking them for their vote.
And then we never deliver on the promises we make
to actually make a difference in their lives.
I think we, last year,
we were defending the Biden economy, of course, and it was a great
economy, one of the best economies we've seen in years, right?
From a GDP perspective, a job growth perspective, from unemployment and real wage growth.
But the reality is, as we were trying to defend Joe Biden and talk about all these things,
we were ignoring the pain that average, everyday working people in this country were facing, right? By working class, by
the way, I'm not, it's not code for white people. For me, we know that the working
class in this country is black, brown, and white people who are working their
asses off, working harder than they ever have, can barely afford their lives, right?
And when gas prices are high and grocery prices are high and we're talking to them about the GDP,
we've already lost them because we're not acknowledging the economic pain that they're facing.
So for me, part of this is getting back to the narrative that connects all parts of our Big Ten coalition, right?
And that is a working-class agenda that unites everyone, whether you're a corn farmer or you're a new refugee in the Twin Cities.
whether you're a corn farmer or you're a new refugee in the Twin Cities. I know you've talked a lot about how the Democratic Party has a brand problem.
You're just explaining some of what it is.
How do you go about fixing a party's brand problem?
You know, I've heard you say you reject the idea that Democrats need a wholesale change in our message.
It feels like the different levers you have to pull in changing a party's
brand are message candidates, sort of messaging infrastructure.
What do you think, how do you begin to fix a branding problem?
Well, first, you need to figure out what that brand is.
And I think that should be a working class, focusing on a working class agenda, right?
But we need to spend a lot of time and energy
of thinking about specifically what that looks like
as it relates to the policy prescription.
But let me tell you why I don't think it's an abandonment
of our message or our policy agenda, right?
Think about Missouri.
They passed a minimum wage increase,
paid family leave, and abortion protections
all by wide margins, yet those same voters
went down the ballot and voted for Trump and the Republicans. It seems to me that we see these
issues, they're very popular throughout the country, passing in ballot initiative and referenda
by wide margins. They're very popular, right? Yet those same voters aren't necessarily connecting
the dots between the issues that they support that
will actually make a difference in their lives and our Democratic candidates.
So that's not a message problem, it's a messaging problem.
We're clearly not connecting the dots for voters.
And so let me back up to one of the other lessons we've learned in this election is
that the Republicans have done a much better job than Democrats on competing in this new
information environment, right? And this is the other challenge we have. We allowed the Republican Party
to define us ever before we ever started to define ourselves. Think about this. They started right
after the 20 election, John, as you know, the Republican Party started beating the hell out of
Joe Biden and the Democratic Party in all of these non-traditional information spaces, right? And
you've heard a lot of folks talk about it, gaming platforms, podcasts, streaming services, right? Biden and the Democratic Party in all of these non-traditional information spaces. Right.
And you've heard a lot of folks talk about it, gaming platforms, podcasts,
streaming services, right.
Even online dating apps, for God's sake, anywhere there's an online community.
The Republicans were paying micro influencers to essentially spew out their
misinformation and disinformation.
And we didn't start in any real way our communications infrastructure
until the election year.
We have to realize we need a permanent campaign.
Not only a permanent organizing campaign that's talking to voters year-round,
but also a permanent communications infrastructure that is not waiting until we get to an election cycle
to start communicating with voters.
We got beat to the punch by the Republicans who realized
that we live in a new information environment where it's 24-7-365. And that's where we got
our Budskit. So for us, part of this is, of course, the brand. The other part is how we're
messaging. The other part of it is making sure we realize 40% of Americans say they
avoid the news at all costs, right? Yet they're getting barraged by information, and you know this better than probably anyone,
John.
They're getting barraged by information all the time on their phones.
So we have to be more sophisticated in how we message and when we stand up all of our
operations.
It's a bit of a chicken and egg problem as well, because I do think the Harris campaign told us this, that they had a lot of influencers and influential people
who were privately for Kamala Harris and Tim Walz,
but didn't wanna come out publicly
or have them on their platforms
or host them on their podcasts.
And the reason that they don't is it's a brand issue, right?
And I wonder how you get more,
you basically gotta get the you basically got to get the
party's brand to be more popular more accessible and cool really for a
broader array of people in order to get on these platforms and I wonder how you
think about that and also like part of this is you know the debate about Joe
Rogan could go forever and it can be very annoying but do you think it was a
mistake for Democrats to when Bernie Sanders went on Joe Rogan could go forever and it can be very annoying. But do you think it was a mistake for Democrats to, uh, when Bernie
Sanders went on Joe Rogan to criticize him for going on Joe Rogan and to, to
not send people on Fox news and to criticize people for going on Fox news?
Like, do you, do you, would you like to see, do you think that was a mistake?
Uh, what I would say is I agree with you that we should be in all those spaces,
right?
And we shouldn't be afraid to go on Joe Rogan's show or on Fox.
We should be confident enough in both our values and of course our message that we go wherever we need to.
You know, people ask me, I'm a hunter. They ask me where I'm going to go hunt, right?
And they think I'm going to give them my favorite hunting spot or, you know, say I'm going to the woods. No, I go where the deer are, right? And you know
this, we need to go where voters are. And you know, this idea that, you know, we have
consultants in DC still spending or steering so much of our ad spend to broadcast TV. I
mean, shoot, I'm 51 years old, John, right? I'm an old man. I still read a hard copy of
a newspaper. But the one thing I don't do is watch broadcast
TV.
I don't know anyone my age that watches broadcast TV, yet we still keep spending so much money
on outdated tactics, right?
Of course I know why, because people make all their money there, but that's wrong.
If we want to win again, we need to realize we need to go where voters are getting their
information.
And so that's half the battle, right?
And I think that also means we can't be afraid to go to spaces.
We're not going, by the way, you're not going on Fox News to appeal to Republican voters, right?
You're going on Fox News to appeal to independent voters, right?
You're going on Joe Rogan to appeal to nonpartisans and independents,
not to just, you know, talk to Republicans that happen to be on there.
So I understand people when they try to criticize someone for saying, well why would you go on Fox News? You're just
going there to try to win over Republican voters? No, that's not the point.
There's a lot of people who listen to Fox News that aren't Republicans that we
should, you know, give them the countervailing opinion. I think part of the
challenge with social media right now is given your algorithm you're only fed the
information that you want to see.
And so, so many Americans are in this information bubble
that they're only getting fed the information they want.
And we have to try to find ways to break through that.
And that means appearing on environments and in platforms
that might not make sense to the Democratic party,
but make sense to cut through the noise
and give people a sense of what the other side actually believes.
You're not just a state party chair yourself.
You're the president of the Association of State Democratic Committees.
What can state party chairs teach national Democrats about winning elections that they're
currently missing?
Well, here's what I would say.
State party chairs don't have the luxury to just focus on one race, right?
We can't just focus on the governor's race
or the top of the ticket.
We have to focus on the state legislature as well,
as well as other down ballot races for city council,
school boards, county boards, et cetera.
And so one of my critiques of the Democratic Party,
especially the DNC,
is that they focus way too much on federal races.
Of course, we've got a win back Congress, the, and the presidency. It's not an either-or, but we
can't be a national party that just focuses on seven battleground states
right and and some federal races. We've got to be more prescriptive and
holistic about how to build power around this nation. That's one thing again that
the conservative movement in this country realizes. They're not just focused on federal races.
They're also focused on school boards, right?
And we've seen the dangerous result of our indifference of actually investing in trying
to compete in every race in this country as a national party.
When the conservative movement has taken over school boards and they're banning books and
whitewashing history and attacking our children, we cannot afford as a national party to ignore these public policy arenas anymore.
So one thing state party chairs can teach the national party is that you have to compete
everywhere.
The second piece is you have to make sure that you're actually building coalitions and
bringing partners into that conversation.
Part of that, to me, state parties don't have the luxury
to do this work alone because they're some of the most
under-resourced entities in politics.
We don't get enough funding from either the national party
or from others.
We are usually the last people getting funding.
So that means we actually have to be smart
in how we spend our money and then build coalitions with allies and organizations on the ground who are
working in electoral spaces to elect people who share our values. And so the
third thing I would say that state parties do that the National Party
doesn't do, which drives me crazy, is state parties don't just focus on one
election cycle. We have to build infrastructure that is beyond just the upcoming election cycle.
We have to look to 26, 28, 30 and beyond, right?
And, you know, this is one of the things
that I have in my plan.
I want to write a 10-year plan for the DNC.
People think I'm crazy to say that,
but the reality is, is we have to not be biopically focused
on just this election cycle,
because what that means is then we're
recreating the infrastructure every two or four years as a national party. Look, we are part of a
movement, of course, of people who are fighting for social justice and economic justice, but political
parties have one very clear role, right? It is our only role and it is to win elections. But to do
that you have to build long-lasting and durable infrastructure that sees beyond just one election cycle. And if you'll allow me
to use a hockey analogy because I'm from Minnesota, and Wayne Gretzky, the great
one right there in LA, said once that you have to skate to where the puck will be,
not where the puck is, right? Yet our party just keeps skating to where the
puck is. Who's looking at the fact that in 2030 our map is going to completely change underneath of us as all the power shifts
to the south and the southwest? And who's preparing for that moment right now as
we go into 25 and 26? It should be the National Party that has a longer-term
lens for this work and a longer-term arc on how we do that. So I guess those are
the three things that state parties are doing that the national party's not doing.
Why do you think Minnesota got bluer since you became state party chair and
how much of that do you take credit for?
I take no credit for it. Let me say this, we've had wonderful candidates on the
ballot. I mean I will never claim credit for their victory. But what I do
claim some amount of credit for is building infrastructure that they've relied on, right? We've built probably
the strongest state party in the nation. I'm sure there's others that would
disagree, but both from fundraising and building the infrastructure on the
ground. Our candidates, for instance, all of them from Governor Walz to Senator
Klobuchar to local candidates, they rely on our party's infrastructure. Our turnout machine is second to none,
right? We, in terms of IDing and persuading, mobilizing voters, we always
have the top voter turnout in the nation. If not, we're number two or number
three. Most importantly is that our candidates don't have to build that
infrastructure themselves. They can rely on the state party to actually run the most importantly is that our candidates don't have to build that infrastructure
themselves. They can rely on the state party to actually run the field program
so they don't have to do that. And I think that's why we've been winning, right?
I mean there's a lot of reasons. I mean but the other part of that winning is
the fact that our party and our elected officials are delivering on the
promises they made to voters, right? And you know there's no greater example of
that than what Tim Walz and our legislative leaders did with the are delivering on the promises they made to voters, right? And there's no greater example of that
than what Tim Walz and our legislative leaders did
with the trifecta the last two years,
to actually focus on an agenda that will help work
in people that are struggling in this state,
and then using the power they had when they had it
to make a difference for those folks.
And I think part of the disillusionment, John,
with American politics right now, as I mentioned earlier, is that folks hear people say one thing and then do another.
You know, not to keep quoting Paul, but Paul used to say, you should never separate the
life you lead from the words you speak.
And people see too many politicians in both parties who stand up, right, say one thing
just to get your vote and then get into office and forget about them. That's why it was remarkable, I think, you know, see what we've done in Minnesota
and in states like Michigan, two very purple states in the Midwest who both had slim majorities
and they led in a very aggressive way to deliver on those promises.
What specifically would you do differently than Jamie Harrison over the last four years?
How do you want to change the way that the DNC operates? Well first is to focus on
year-round organizing a permanent campaign
We you know part of the challenge and why we keep losing ground with folks as I mentioned earlier is we're only showing up three
months before an election and asking for a vote. So the first is a year-round organizing
Standing up organizing all the time. So we never is a year-round organizing, standing up organizing all
the time so we never stopped having conversations with voters at their door.
You know the first conversation we have with the voter should not be asking them
to vote for us but rather what are your hopes and dreams, your aspirations for
your community, right? And then you know and over time build trust and earn their
trust so we can actually ask them for their vote. Second thing I would do is
really contest every race
up and down the ballot, right?
We can't be a party just focused on federal races, right?
And I get why Jamie had to do it.
And they did a lot of great work
over the four years he was there.
And the infrastructure is much stronger
than it was after the 16 election as an example.
But I would say this, for me, we need a permanent campaign, we need to start our organizing and our communications
infrastructure much earlier than we ever have, and we have to make sure that we
are competing up and down the ballot in partnership with all of our 57 state
parties all throughout the country. So you know the other thing I would do
differently, and I just rolled this out this week is build a national coordinated
campaign table, right? We haven't had a national coordinated campaign at the DNC since the
mid 90s and that's a shame because we're not tapping into what does that look like? Could
you well for me it looks like yeah coordinated campaign is really bringing just like we do
in Minnesota bringing our electoral partners and elected officials
together at a table that would include allies
and partners like labor and reproductive rights groups
and environmental groups.
And we have all of these great organizations
that are working in electoral spaces,
spending time, energy, and money, right?
Fighting for economic and social justice,
fighting for our party and our candidates
who are never engaged in that conversation, right?
They're siloed off,
and they should be brought into the conversation,
and we should build one plan together
where we coordinate our resources
and really focus like a laser
on how we build power together, right?
Unfortunately, right now we have all these disparate groups out there doing their own things.
It results in a lot of duplication of effort.
And frankly, it does not result in us being strategically aligned in a way that helps us all accomplish the same goals,
which is to elect people who share our values to office so we can actually move our agenda forward.
What is the permanent campaign and the year-round organizing? Can you give an example of like what
it looks like structurally in practice and also like where the money comes from? Because I feel
like I've heard a lot of DNC chairs come into the job saying like we need a 50-state campaign,
we need to focus not just on national races and federal races, we need a 50 state campaign. We need to focus not just on national races and federal races.
We need to do down ballot.
And then when the time comes, understandably, the money ends up going to the biggest,
most competitive races in the most important states.
And that's just the way it is.
So how do you, is that, do we need to more money?
Is it just where you put the money?
And then how does that year round organizing actually look in practice?
Yeah.
I mean, I think this is a very good question, right?
And the reality is that you have to be intentional about this.
And you have to make sure that your donors know that we are, for us to actually turn
the page here and build power, we have to have a more holistic approach on it.
You can't just focus on seven battleground states, right?
What will help us win the presidency is actually winning local races
and winning state legislatures and winning gubernatorial races, right?
So the reality is it's all connected.
And the second piece is, yeah, we do have to grow the pie, right?
And part of building a coordinated campaign where we're building a permanent campaign
is realizing that we're stronger together and we should actually have shared resources where we're focused collectively on a plan to
achieve the same goals. And so when you're so disjointed and you're spending
money on the left when the left hand and the right hand aren't talking and
coordinating you're just duplicating effort and wasting resource. So for me
it's just being more holistic about it and is it going to be a challenge? For sure.
Because it won't be the way the DC consultants
and others want it to be.
We're going to flip the script.
We're going to break up this cabal in DC,
and we're going to do things differently, right?
And the model is states like Minnesota,
states like Wisconsin, states like Michigan, right?
States that are building here in the Midwest
and winning, right, in very purple states by actually bringing people together and focusing more
holistically. Look, if you want to keep losing, keep doing things the way they
are, right? Now, as it relates to raising money, you know, there's no state that's
raised as much money as I have, you know, in addition to raising 220 million
dollars for my state party. I served on the Harris-Walls Finance Committee,
raised over $6 million for the presidential campaign, did the same thing in 2016.
Raising money is not going to be a challenge for me. The most important thing is how we spend it.
And if we're not spending it on winning, then we shouldn't be spending it. So here's to all those
consultants in D.C. I hope they're listening to me because if you bring me a plan that doesn't
help us win elections,
you're going to have to go pound sand because you're not going to get a contract from the DNC.
And that's how we built it here. And it's important not just to help us win,
but it's important for those donors who are giving us money to have a sense on how the DNC chair is going to approach this.
We're not going to invest in things that don't help us win elections.
No more contracts to just line
consultants' pockets. As I've said, I'm here to win the U.S. House back, not help a consultant build a new house. How do you feel about the ban on corporate PACs and lobbyist donations to the
DNC? Well, look, I mean, this is a little bit of a challenging one because I do want to get dark money
This is a little bit of a challenging one because I do want to get dark money out of politics. I've long supported Ending Citizens United and making sure that we find a way to actually overhaul the campaign finance system
so these campaigns and elections aren't as expensive.
I mean, we've spent two and a half billion dollars on a presidential campaign.
Over 10 billion dollars, by the way, John, just in 2024 spent on the
Democratic side alone. It's obscene, right? And that's got it. We've got to reverse course somehow.
And part of that, of course, is getting money out of politics generally. But when we say
corporations, right, it's a very large term. And this is where I start to get the devil's in the details because technically by the IRS, our labor partners
and some of our reproductive rights groups
and others are corporations, right?
So what are we actually using to define corporations?
And what I would say is bad corporate actors
who don't share our values,
the DNC should not be taking their money.
I've been very clear on that. And we don't take that type, the DNC should not be taking their money. I've been very clear
on that. We don't take that type of money here in Minnesota, and we won't. And I think
at the DNC, the DNC has to live its values. Where there are bad corporate actors who,
again, who don't share the Democratic Party's values, the Democratic Party should not only
not take their money, they should be calling out people who do.
So who are some elected
Democrats, local, state, national, who impress you right now? Who should we be
keeping an eye on? You know I think there's a lot, you know Maxwell Frost down
in Florida, I think Peggy Flanagan here in Minnesota, you know our lieutenant
governor. There's a great guy who was just elected as the mayor of Tulsa,
Monroe Nichols, who's a former state who was just elected as the mayor of Tulsa, Monroe Nichols,
who's a former state representative, right?
First African-American mayor.
I think Sarah McBride in Delaware, who's a great friend.
And, you know, there's a lot of wonderful leaders
that I think there's an amazing bench we have
in the Democratic Party, right?
We've got these great governors like Andy Beshear
and Wes Moore and Josh Shapiro and Gretchen Whitmer, right? We've got these great governors like Andy Beshear and Wes Moore and Josh Shapiro and Gretchen Whitmer, right? We've got, and your
governor, of course, Gavin Newsom, we've got an amazing bench. But, you know, as I
look at this, we've got wonderful Democratic electeds throughout this
country that are serving in office right now that don't get the attention they
deserve because, again, we're focused on all the big names, you know, the big governors, and of course, the members of Congress. But there
are some amazing leaders serving in local offices that we should be paying attention to.
Last question, there's been sort of two models for this job. There's a like someone who's going to
focus on organizing and being behind the scenes and fix a lot of the
structural issues, which you have talked a lot about. There's also the need for a party spokesman,
particularly in this moment where we don't necessarily have a leader of the party right
now as president Biden gets ready to exit. Would, do you think that if you get this job, you'll be
doing TV and podcasts and everything and be out there all the time being a messenger?
I do them all the time.
And it's part of your role as a state party chair, right?
And certainly in my role at the ASDC as a vice chair of the DNC, I've done lots of national
media.
That's, but it's not an either or, right?
And frankly, I would say we've got this great bench of elected officials, many of them I
just talked about,
that we should be showcasing and using more, frankly.
And if folks think that the Democratic,
the next chair of the Democratic Party is a savior,
that there's someone riding in to save the party,
that's the wrong mentality, right?
I have a plaque in my office that says,
"'None of us are as smart as all of us.'"
Mark Dayton gave that to me, I believe it.
At the end of the day, no one has all the answers, right?
But the reality is, is we have this amazingly rich party of people with great professional
experiences and lived experiences that we should be tapping into.
And that includes spokespeople, right?
I believe we've got mayors.
Who better to talk about public safety than mayors throughout the country, right? Who better to talk about, you know, natural disasters like what we're seeing in LA right now
than county commissioners and leaders who have to deal with that?
Who better to talk about transportation funding and education funding than governors?
And so I think we have many spokespeople, and the DNC is not the only person
who should be the spokesperson for our party. So I but I do think what we need is someone that's
going to be really focused on organizing. Right now what this moment needs is
someone who can both get the message out but frankly focusing on building the
foundation we need and the infrastructure we need to win because
that's one of the lessons from this last election is clearly our comms infrastructure and our organizing infrastructure is not
Being utilized the way it should and it's not being built in a way where it's permanent and it's part of actually moving and persuading voters
Ken Martin, thank you so much for joining pod save America and and good luck to you in the race. Thank you so much
I really appreciate it John
Good luck to you in the race. Thank you so much.
I really appreciate it, John.
That's our show for today.
Thanks to Ken Martin for stopping by.
Dan and I will be back with a new show on Friday.
Stay safe, everyone out there in Los Angeles.
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