Stuff You Should Know - Greedflation Is Real
Episode Date: April 2, 2024One of the things we rely on is for the companies who make the stuff we need to not stick it to us, the customer. But it’s become painfully clear that’s just what happened during the pandemic and... that it’s still happening today. What can we do about it?See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Welcome to Stuff You Should Know, a production of iHeart Radio.
Hey, and welcome to the podcast.
I'm Josh and there's Chuck and Jerry's here somewhere and this is stuff you should know.
The timely topical edition.
We haven't done one of these in a while, Chuck.
Yeah, fight the power edition.
I guess so.
It kind of seems that way, doesn't it?
Like there's really very few ways to discuss this and not kind of come out on that side
yeah, I'm kind of glad you picked this one because
With all the talk of you know food grocery store prices and stuff in the back of my mind
I've been thinking like
All right. I know there were some reasons for this, but I also wonder if
They just raised prices a lot
because they could, and that's kind of what happened.
Yeah, it sure seems that way.
Like, um, I think kind of at the end of the day, the discussion over what we're
talking about, which is called greedflation, which is a fairly new, catchy term, right?
Yeah.
Um, the idea isn't that food companies made massive profits over the last few years starting in the
pandemic, right?
Like there's just basically no way you can argue
that that didn't happen.
It's been documented.
The issue at hand is whether that constitutes
something beyond the norm of capitalism or is that
just, that's what happens in a free market.
It, when there's, you know, they sell their chance. Weirdly. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah.. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah. Yeah that constitutes something beyond the norm of capitalism?
Or is that just, that's what happens in the free market
when there's, you know, weirdness to it, you know?
Sure.
That's the question in my mind,
what it really comes down to is your interpretation
of whether there's, I don't know,
maybe some sort of basic moral responsibility
for certain kinds of companies or companies that deal in certain kinds of goods to not just make as much money as they possibly can.
Right.
I don't know. I think that's the actual debate over it.
Now, let me ask you this. Is it possible to be a person who says, you know, I'm a thousand percent behind capitalism and let it run amok. And that's just let it work itself out.
And then also complain about food prices.
Like, can those things coexist?
Yes.
Those people are called the worst.
Okay.
So it can coexist.
They're just people you don't want to hang out with.
Right.
Exactly.
Okay.
Yeah.
I think conversely too, you can be totally pro-capitalist
and still be like the idea that it's just business is kind of amoral. Yeah. I don't think you have to
you have to pick one side or the other. I think that it's a little grayer than that.
All right, shall we jump in? Yeah, let's. So ultimately what we're talking about are increases
in prices at the grocery store on levels that we just haven't seen before.
Like you're not crazy.
The prices at the grocery store are bonkers.
Apparently in 2022 in America, the inflation for food at grocery stores increased 11.4 percent.
Then in 2023, it added another 5%.
And that was, you know, half, a little more than half of what the increase had been in
2022, but it was still double what the normal annual increase is of 2.5%.
That's how much food typically inflates year over year at the grocery store.
Instead, in two years, it inflated by almost 17%. Wow. Yeah.
And there were reasons for this. Like, there's a standard narrative, which is, there's just
a handful of reasons that everybody points to, and like, this is why.
Yeah. And there's, you know, we're going to talk, I guess, a little bit about kind of
the standard explanations that we've been hearing for the past couple of years, which
we're not saying is, you know, bunk or anything like that.
Because as you'll see,
I think it's a pretty even-handed episode.
We might get a little hot under the collar,
but I think there's reason to be.
So here we go.
So one thing you will hear and have heard a lot is,
you know, the pandemic's obviously a big reason for all this,
the biggest driver of it,
and the disruptions to the supply chain.
Whether you were building a house
or whether you were a food company marking up your goods,
the supply chain squeezed out, it seems like,
everything on the planet.
And there were food item shortages,
there were ingredient shortages,
and that was one of the drivers for inflation.
Yeah, even packaging shortages.
Like a good example is that caffeine-free Coke was temporarily discontinued because there
was a shortage of aluminum, which meant that Coke had to basically ration their cans, and
regular Coke sells more than caffeine-free Coke they, they just basically focused on Coke for a
little while.
Like that caused a shortage.
It was just that.
Sure.
Bizarre and meandering in some cases, right?
Yeah.
But which had nothing to do with raising prices, but
that's just a side note.
No, no, right.
It's true.
Yes.
So people ate at home a lot more during the
pandemic, obviously.
So there was more demand, you know, these goods were in shorter supply,
and all of a sudden there's more demand for fewer of those goods,
and that is just inflation 101 as far as how things get out of control.
Right. And then so if you are a processed food company,
you have to use ingredients, and a lot of ingredients were scarcer and the cost of the ingredients went up.
Right.
So that means that they raised their costs
because they raised the prices of their products
because their costs increased.
So their marginal costs, which is the cost to put
everything together and deliver it and all that
stuff, package it, um, increased, which means they
increase their markup, their profit, which means you
put those two together, the price increases in unnecessary, kludgy economic terms.
Yeah.
And we're going to talk more in depth about this stuff, obviously, but usually if there's
like, if it's not a pandemic and there just happens to be an ingredient that is getting
squeezed and so the cost of making a bag of Cheetos or something costs more.
Companies aren't gonna be like, we gotta raise the price then.
They'll just sort of absorb that to keep the prices kind of steady and
keep things flowing.
That wasn't the case during the pandemic though.
No, and Chuck, that is a key thing to understand is that what we are seeing,
those markups, the difference in the price and the cost of the company's pay to actually produce the product, that's,
we've just never seen anything like this before.
Economists are like, I've never seen anything like this before in my 40 years of studying
food delivery and food supply chain stuff.
Yeah. And then people said,
you've been studying there for 40 years?
And the guy's like, yes, someone please let me stop.
Exactly. And then another thing that we heard here and there was people got stimulus checks.
A lot of people did when unemployment was just so staggering during the pandemic.
So the government issued these checks.
People had a little more money in their pocket to spend, which was the idea.
And demand increased.
And so that pushed prices higher.
The thing is, though, Europe experienced the same inflation we did, sometimes even worse as far as food
costs go and they didn't get stimulus checks.
So that one is a little, I don't know, confusing, I guess, is the easiest way to say it.
It is, but just based on classic economic theory, there's just no way it didn't have
some impact.
Do you know what I mean?
Yeah, sure.
In a way, you can also point to it as being a very, um, unusual factor that took
place within the context of a larger unusual period, which was the pandemic.
Right.
You also had, um, other things going on at the same time.
Like the pandemic wasn't enough.
There were tons of bouts of avian flu that was killing hens left and right.
There were tons of bouts of avian flu that was killing hens left and right.
And I guess fryer roasters, the kind you eat to those chickens.
So there was less chicken to go around and less hens to lay eggs, which meant the price of eggs
and poultry would increase.
What's interesting about that is that as more hens were hatched and started laying more eggs and the supply
came back, the price of eggs went down.
And that is weird in the context of what's been going on lately too.
Yeah, absolutely.
And we'll talk about eggs more because, believe it or not, eggs are a big story.
Yeah, it's a huge story.
And then of course, the thing we heard a lot about was the war in Ukraine. That was another sort of coexisting situation alongside the pandemic, which disrupted wheat
exports.
You know, when you're a European country, the United States, and you squeeze sanctions
onto Russia, they're going to squeeze right back and say, well, we've got oil that we're
not going to supply you anymore.
And that's just going to And that squeezes everything.
And all of a sudden, grain exports, especially wheat, went up,
which affects the cost of a lot of foods.
Yeah, because the global economy is so interconnected that, like,
if Europe is paying higher energy prices, that's definitely going to affect the price of the things
that American companies are importing from Europe, right?
Yeah.
So all those things put together added up to that unprecedented increase in prices in the grocery store.
All right, so those are a lot of the reasons that we've been hearing about, you know, over the past few years.
But as far as like what this actually looks like in a grocery store, I thought, you know,
we thought it'd be helpful if we break down just what this looks like for just a person walking in a grocery store. We thought it'd be helpful if we break down just what this looks like for just a person
walking in a grocery store.
Okay, so I'll be that person walking in.
I've got a hat on.
Just imagine I have a cool hat on, okay?
I'm walking into the grocery store.
I don't know if I've ever seen you wear a hat.
Weirdly though.
Like I look weird right now.
Well, it's because you're wearing a hat.
And I'm walking in place, but weirdly.
I think I've seen you walk in place, but I've never seen you wear a hat.
So if you talk to the USDA, they will say the price of food in the United States is
25% higher this last year in 2023 than it was in 2019.
And that was higher than every other category on the planet, except for transportation.
And that's why people are probably like,
you should also do one on why airline,
why it costs $1,000 to fly from Atlanta to New York now.
It doesn't really or?
No, that's not true.
But just airline tickets are ridiculous now.
Yeah, do you remember when you used to like get on a plane
and to be like a third full and they'd still take off, they didn't cancel it? Yeah, which that remember when you used to like get on a plane and it'd be like a third full
and they'd still take off?
They didn't cancel it?
Yeah, which that's no good.
Like let's fill the planes up.
For sure.
But I mean, like, now it's just cutthroat.
It's like the opposite.
It's like, oh, you paid for your ticket a month ago.
T.S. you're off the flight.
Yeah.
Yeah.
And the expense.
Anyway, all that to say that food price rose over that three-year period or four-year period
more than any other category except for transportation.
And I believe you already talked about the food increase
percentage-wise, but if you're in a grocery store, sir,
with a hat, weirdly walking in place,
why don't you start coming forward?
Okay, here I come.
Take off your hat when you enter like a good gentleman.
No, I'm gonna leave the hat on.
Okay, sure.
It's a really cool hat.
All right, and you might notice that that loaf of bread
over there, just that white sandwich bread,
is 22% more expensive than it was just two years ago.
Good!
And sir, I see you're thinking like,
well forget that, I'm gonna bake my own bread.
Well, good luck with that too,
because that all purpose flour is 21% more expensive
and butter is 31% more expensive.
So don't even think about baking a birthday cake.
I can't even get a break on butter.
You can't even, I know, butter is,
I mean, I ate that stuff right off the stick.
So, so okay.
I'm still the guy in the hat.
I'm moving down another aisle.
I'm like nuts to make it my own bread.
I'll just eat a bunch of ultra processed stuff because that's dirt cheap.
Everybody knows that.
Surely that hasn't increased in price.
No, no.
And since you said nuts, why don't you go ahead and get some of those nuts?
Because they're about 16% more expensive.
Well, they make me pack on too much weight anyway, so I'm fine with that.
And by the way, sir, with the hat, I want to remind you that these stats for,
uh, processed foods are just over one year.
Whoa.
From 2022 to 2023, you're paying 16% more for the salties, 16% more for those
cookies, 18 and a half percent more for that granola bar you think is healthy.
And if you want a little fruit snack, almost
24% more expensive.
Not the fruit snacks.
Yes, the fruit snacks.
Chuck, this skit has gotten really dark.
As dark as Halloween?
Pretty, pretty dark.
Um, no, actually, no, you're right.
Halloween was a bloodbath, especially if you're
talking fun sized Snickers. Cause get this, you're right. Halloween was a bloodbath, especially if you're talking fun-sized Snickers.
Cause get this, this is crazy.
I mean, even Halloween, normally Halloween prices are beyond nuts, but this is just really bad.
A bag of fun-sized Snickers went from, um, 2022 or sorry, went from 2021 to 2022.
It increased by 140%.
You could have gotten a bag of fun-sized Snickers
for five bucks in 2021.
You paid $12 the next year.
All right.
Well, there's nothing fun about that.
Okay, so the skits over and scene,
or end scene, depending on your view.
And I'm gonna keep wearing my hat though, okay?
All right, keep that hat on.
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Okay, so there's something to remember too, like it sucks to pay a lot at a grocery store, but if you are, um, a low income family or a low income country, it hits you even
worse because food prices increases in food prices are regressive.
They have the largest impact on the people who have the least amount of money because
those people spend a far greater proportion of their household budget or their national
budget. They have the largest impact on the people who have the least amount of money, because those people spend a far greater proportion of their household budget or their national
budget on food than wealthier people do.
They just have less money, so they still need food.
It's not something that you can skip very easily and eventually you're going to have
to eat.
So it's an essential thing to buy and you don't really have much of a say in it if the food prices
keep rising. So it's really important to keep that in mind that it's not just annoyance,
it's not just debt in your pocketbook. It actually has pushed people into poverty classes in different
countries and developed countries because food prices got,
they were kind of close on the border to begin with and then the pandemic came along.
And as the food prices increased, they were pushed into poverty categories.
Yeah, if you look at the food price index, the five categories, meat, dairy, cereals,
vegetable oils and sugar increased 57% all over the world over a two-year
period from 2020 to 2022.
And then a couple years later here in 2024, some prices have come down, some quite a bit,
eggs especially, and again, we'll talk about eggs a little more.
They're ones that really kind of reset back down again.
But not everything. And just over a two-year period, a 57% increase in meat, dairy, cereals, vegetable oil, and sugar is going to have a real impact on, like you said, on families in the
United States that don't have as much money and certainly hundreds of millions of people all over
the world in countries that didn't have so much money, and certainly hundreds of millions of people all over the world
in countries that didn't have so much money to begin with.
Right. So that's one side of it. This is actually affecting and impacting people in very extreme ways.
So on the one hand, you have people who are being pushed into poverty. On the other hand,
you have the food producers who are benefiting tremendously, like in,
again, in like record degrees in some cases.
You mean these hundreds and hundreds of corporations that own all these food
companies, right?
No.
Chuck, do you have five fingers and five toes on each hand and foot?
Still?
Yes.
Well, then you can more than count the number of conglomerates essentially running the food
supply in the developed world.
Yeah, I mean, we were being kind of cheeky there, but that's, we've talked about this
before the fact that there are just a handful of huge corporations that own almost every
food.
And, you know, this is obviously discounting the little indie brands and stuff like that.
They're out there doing their thing.
Most of those are trying to get bought by one of these companies.
Yeah, I was going to say more and more they're a portfolio of one of these larger brands.
Yeah, looking for that big money exit.
And you know, good for them.
But point is, there are just a handful of these big corporations.
And if you ask, if you sit down any of their CEOs
and grill them over this cost increase, they're going to talk about those things we talked
about at the beginning.
They're going to be the pandemic inflation was out of control and there wasn't anything
we could do.
We were forced to raise our prices to remain profitable and we're not saying that you shouldn't
make a profit or anything like that.
Like we get it that these are for-profit companies and those costs definitely did go up and they
maybe could not take that all on the chin.
We're not arguing for that.
But if they then raise those costs and said, all right, well, we have to account for this
so we don't lose our profit margins, and they accounted for that, then their profit margin should have been about the same and they should have been like, all right, well, we have to account for this so we don't lose our profit margins. And they accounted for that,
then their profit margin should have been about the same
and they should have been like,
all right, well, we didn't lose a lot of money,
we stayed about the same
because we accounted for those costs.
But that's not what happened.
Yeah, their profits didn't increase in step with their costs,
they increased plus some, right?
Plus a lot.
Right, plus a lot.
So Tyson Foods, a huge producer of chicken, um, in the United States.
Uh, in the first quarter of 2021 to the first quarter of 2022, they doubled their
profits, not their revenue, their profits doubled.
Okay.
To a hundred percent times two doubled.
That's important.
And that's one year, year over year.
Cargill, another huge conglomerate, they had a record $6.68 billion profit in 2022,
double its profit two years before.
Yeah.
I mean, overall food corporations had their largest profits during the pandemic, during
peak inflation, when everyone was getting squeezed and hurt the pandemic, during peak inflation,
when everyone was getting squeezed and hurt the most,
food corporations recorded their largest profits
in 70 years.
Right.
And some of them even did while they were losing sales.
Like General Mills sales were declining
by like 9% in 2021 and another 4% in 2022.
And yet at the end of 2022, their profits were up 97%
over the 2021, I believe. So here's where the sticking point is, Chuck. This is where
views diverge because this is documented fact. Is that just to be expected? Like, do people who are mad about this greed-flation idea
not understand basic capitalism?
Or do they have a point in saying, like,
this is approaching and probably has passed a morality?
Yeah, I mean, that's a question.
If you look, we're talking about corporations,
but if you look at people,
there were 62 new,
new food billionaires over that two year span from 2020
to 2022 and they calculated, this is Oxfam who calculated
this stuff, that the food billionaires, which that,
those two words is interesting together, food billionaire.
Yeah.
Those food billionaires made more money
during the two years of the pandemic
than they did in the previous 23 years combined.
That's, I mean, that's the stat of the show.
So economists like have started to dig into this
and just like about anything else,
there's liberal economists, there's conservative economists.
And depending on where you fall,
you probably either agree like, yes, this is greedflation,
or you're like, no, people don't understand.
This is just basic capitalism.
Yeah.
We can look at actual numbers, though, to help people make up their own mind.
There's a nonpartisan group called Economic Policy Institute that we talked about before
on the show.
And they looked at factors that contributed to these higher prices over the last few years.
And they identified three major components of costs for a category goods and services,
which food was a part of, which are unit labor costs, which are, you know, the workers,
what you pay a worker, their salary, their benefits, stuff like that.
The non-labor costs, energy costs, transportation, debt payments, tax, I imagine for the food part, like the actual food stuff is in there, right?
Sure, yeah.
And then profit margin, which is that markup that we talked about, that, you know, that's what's going to generate the profit for the company. And so they looked since 2020 and prices in the non-financial corporate
sector, which like we said, food's a part of that group, have increased 6.1% a year
on average, which is three times the prepayment rate of 1.8 a year.
Right. Okay. So they said, like under normal circumstances, all these costs are actually
pretty well represented in a steady way across the non-financial corporate sector. Like inflation
increases, you can attribute increases in price, which is inflation, to those three things, labor, non-labor, and profit.
You can divide them up pretty clearly.
Normally, the largest contributor to price increases
are labor costs.
In a normal economy, they contribute about 62% to inflation.
The non-labor cost, which is like you said,
the cost to actually make the product and deliver it and all that stuff,
it's about 27%. And normally, the profit represents about 11.4, 11.5%.
And you put all those things together, and that explains the increase in prices year over year, which we call inflation, right?
Yeah, and that, by the way, was over a 40 year period. Yeah. So that's, yes, exactly.
That's what I'm saying.
Like it's pretty stable or what has been stable over the last 40 years, where it
became totally unhinged from normalcy is starting in the pandemic.
It's starting about Q2 of 2020, where everything just kind of went haywire, basically, according to that normal 40-year
trend.
Yeah.
So, labor costs, which over that 40 years previously accounted for about 62% of increase
in costs, accounted for less than 8% this time.
The non-labor cost previously, if you remember, was 27%.
That is now 38%.
So that's that narrative of the supply chains
and Ukraine and all that stuff.
That's what that cost, that increase in cost represents.
Yeah, and then the, you know what's coming everybody,
that 11.4% over 40 years of the markup of the corporate profit that accounted for an
increase in prices went to almost 54%.
Isn't that nuts?
I mean, there it is.
Yeah.
So it's about five times the normal rate.
During a pandemic, food companies made about five times what they normally make in profits
on food.
Yeah. The end. Can we stop? made about five times what they normally make in profits on food.
Yeah.
The, the end, can we stop?
Pretty, I mean, pretty much.
Um, there's cause everything else is just basically a matter of opinion at that point.
Um, there's no, there's no right answer to tell you the truth. It's, I think what's going to happen is a large enough group will decide on what
they consider the right answer and that that will be how things move forward.
And it looks like the drumbeat seems to be pretty greedflation-y, like people against greedflation.
Yeah, and that, like you said, that's a pretty catchy word. There's an actual economics term.
Like if you said, well, you can probably get away with saying greedflation and an econ class these days, but sure
Everybody will think you're really cool
Previously they say look at the guy in the hat walking in place
Saying things like greedflation back at it
The previous term for that was sellers inflation. There was a guy in 1958 named Abraham Lerner an economist
who he's a Keynesian guy and we've talked about the
Keynesian approach to economics and what was the other one?
It's another guy.
Oh, Milton Friedman, the Chicago school guy.
Was that it?
No, I can't remember.
Adam Smith.
Yeah, that was it.
The classical, the guy who came up with capitalism.
Yeah, yeah, so those are sort of the general big
two schools of thought.
And Keynesians generally think that if there's
a lot of inflation going on, that means there's
too much money in the economy, and so the Fed comes in,
they operate on the Keynesian theories,
and they wanna slow that that inflation so they'll raise
interest rates to kind of cool things down and try and get people to instead borrow and spend to kind
of save a little money. Yeah and this actually can control inflation a lot, like a lot, but what
greedflation is showing us and what some economists who study this kind of thing, sellers inflation, have known for a while, that kind of monetary policy can't control corporate decisions to
increase prices. In other words, seller inflation. Right. So that's seller-induced inflation.
Another word for greedflation. It just is saying like the companies who sell these products are
deciding they want to make more money than they did before and they're going to see if you're willing to pay it. Here's the thing, and this is why the
pandemic changed everything. This is why the pandemic takes these standard economic narratives
and theories and just turns them on their head in a lot of situations. And the reason why is in a
normal economy where companies are competitive with one another,
that urge to increase their price and make more profit
is kept down from the concern that their competitor
is going to keep their price the same.
And so people, shoppers being very price sensitive,
especially with food will be like,
oh, I'll eat this generic wheat flakes rather than wheaties
because it's a dollar less.
So I'm just going to become, I'm just going to go eat these from
now on and just abandoned Wheaties.
They don't want that to happen.
So they're really, really touchy about raising prices in a normally competitive economy.
The thing is the pandemic offered in a lot of people's opinion, including
CEOs, as we'll see, basically once in a generation opportunity
for everyone to raise their prices
for no good reason, essentially, because they wanted to.
Yeah, I mean, there's a sweet spot if you're a company,
and you're making a box of granola bars or whatever,
where you wanna have that price as much as it can be without getting
someone to not buy it.
Right.
And that's just sort of the sweet spot where they have maximized their profit and anything
beyond that might get them, like you said, to look at another brand or maybe to not get
it at all, like to make that hard decision.
So they don't fluctuate in their prices a lot.
They want to keep it kind of at that
maximum price where you're still going to buy it, but you know, like what essentially is quote unquote
fair for everybody. But like you said, during the pandemic, and I don't think, you know, I don't
think anyone is saying they, these like five or six corporations, like the evil heads of them,
all got together on a call and said, on the count of three, we're all going to raise our
prices together. It just sort of happened that way
in that, you know, there isn't a lot of competition
like when there's only a handful of companies. So,
it's not like you had to have some big wide-ranging
conspiracy. You just had to basically individually
agree that this pandemic was a great cover to raise
prices that will never go back down.
Yeah, I think that you don't need collusion.
Any CEO worth their salary would see the pandemic as a great opportunity to raise prices because
there was really highly publicized reasons for why prices would go up, like the supply
chain shortages, the war in Ukraine, energy prices going up.
They had this cover.
The pandemic gave them cover to raise their prices just because they wanted to.
They didn't need to say, I'm going to do this.
They knew that everybody else is going to do this at the same time, which provided additional
cover.
It decreased the risk that they were going to lose market share.
And then the other thing that kind of came together
to make this a perfect storm of terribly high food prices
is something you touched on.
Competition is less today than it was, say, 10 years ago,
15 years ago, 20 years ago,
because the Federal Trade Commission and the Justice Department
have kind of long been for several decades open for business.
Like if you want to have a merger, they'll probably let you do it and you'll become a bigger corporation and a bigger corporation and a bigger corporation.
And as you grow, you control more and more market share to where some, you know, today, I think three main companies produce 70 or 80% of the cereals on the shelves in American grocery stores.
That's not competition.
That really lowers the risk of losing market share
because you control so many different brands.
You can monkey with them as much as you want.
So lower competition because of consolidation, plus
the cover that the pandemic gave, basically
presented this perfect opportunity for everybody
to raise prices basically in unisonison essentially just to increase their profits. That's what we're
seeing. And again, I know I've been hammering this, we come to this question
again, is that amoral or is that just normal capitalism? Yeah and again we're
not saying cover profits because all those reasons were real. We're not saying
raising their costs so they wouldn't like reasons were real. We're not saying raising their costs to so they
wouldn't like start losing money.
We're talking about like the kind of increases that
we saw which was 50 plus percent profit increase.
If you are the groundwork collaborative think tank,
you can go over transcripts from these corporate
earnings calls from these companies and they're flat out flat-out saying it you know like they're saying basically this
is this is our chance at a market reset like an adjustment right we thought our
product products were too inexpensive before so this is our chance to really
raise these profits because we have all this cover one of the execs at ConAgra
even said the consumers will welcome the increased price,
which is, I mean, if that's not just out of touch,
I don't even know what to say about that.
People might accept it and
live with it because it's food they need,
but no one welcomes a price increase on something.
It was a really bizarre word to use,
but this was like these transcripts of CEOs
talking to their shareholders and major investors
and then basically taking like a victory lap,
saying like, look at this, this is nuts.
Like we're able to do this.
We were able to like make all these extra profits
for nothing without our costs like increasing.
We just raised our prices and here's why.
And you said something important.
A lot of the story that you hear from CEOs and corporations and
the people who typically defend them is that, like
you said, the prices were too low before.
So this was, this gave them a chance to correct
the market.
And then we, us continuing to buy these products at
the higher price sends the signal to those companies.
Like, okay, this is signal to those companies like,
okay, this is a fair price still,
like consumers are willing to pay this
and will they pay a little bit more?
Let's find out and they'll increase prices again.
And then eventually we get to a point where people are like,
I'm not paying anymore, demand goes down,
maybe the price goes down or they hold it at that point.
Yeah, and that goes back to the previous thing we were saying
where people that are
upper middle class and higher can maybe complain about the cost of something, but it doesn't
change how they're necessarily buying groceries.
The people that are really getting pinched are the people at the bottom.
And that's, we've just seen that happen all over, you know, from gas costs to food costs.
Like, I remember when gas, I can't remember what it was, I feel like it was in, like,
the late 90s or early 2000s.
When gas jumped, like, 50 or 60 cents over a year or two.
And I remember telling my friends at the time, like, it's never going to go back down.
Because over the previous, maybe as long as there was gas, but over the previous at least
decade or so, it fluctuated up and down like a nickel, two, three cents, maybe as high
as a dime, then back down again.
And then it just ramped up like 50 cents.
And I just remember thinking, I didn't even know why, I knew nothing about it.
I just remember thinking, this was, what was it? it, jeez, was it 9-11 maybe?
No, it was before that.
There was something that happened
and they took a huge jump and I just remember thinking
this is gonna be the cover and the gas will never be below
a buck 75 again or whatever it was.
Right, yeah, and so that's a really cynical view
but it's entirely possible, you're correct, that. Right. Yeah. And so that's a really cynical view, but it's entirely possible. You're correct that.
It was correct.
Yeah.
Yeah.
That it, they, they used an opportunity to raise prices and maybe raise them
beyond what they really needed to.
And it sure, it came down, it fluctuated up and down, but it reset to a new normal,
a new baseline.
Yeah.
That's what I'm trying to say.
And it didn't really ever drop below that.
And then that new baseline gave them an opportunity later on to ratchet it up to
a new normal and so on and so forth.
And under normal conditions, that's just inflation, right?
Like, like, like the prices are supposed to grow over time.
It's like a sign of a healthy economy, but it needs to be around two,
3%, something like that.
What we're talking about is, is well beyond that, but that does seem to be around 2, 3%, something like that. What we're talking about is well beyond that.
But that does seem to be what we're seeing here too.
And at least one of the CEOs from their earnings call said something like,
this is giving us a chance to create this new normal, to normalize higher prices,
essentially, people are going to get used to it.
Sure, we're mad about it.
Sure, some people are being forced into poverty People are going to get used to it. Sure. We're mad about it. Sure.
Some people are being forced into poverty now.
They'll get used to it.
And the other terrible thing about it, Chuck, is that they're driving inflation.
They're making it, they're making everything more expensive.
Like, like inflation is outpacing its normal rate because of higher prices.
Some economists are like, nope, it's the other way around,
but it seems to be lopsided this time
where the higher prices are causing higher inflation
rather than higher inflation causing higher prices,
at least in the food world.
All right, let's take another break
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radio app, Apple podcasts, or wherever you get your podcasts. So, thus far we've been leaving grocery stores kind of out of the conversation and under
normal circumstances that would make sense. Oh, okay. I was wondering if we were going to get to grocery stores kind of out of the conversation. And under normal circumstances, that would make sense.
Oh, okay.
I was wondering if we were going to get to grocery stores.
Right.
Because grocery stores provide kind of a check on food manufacturers.
Like the big chains and probably even mid-sized chains, they have entire
departments whose job it is, is to basically reconstruct all of the costs
that the food producers have
to get a general idea of how much they're marking up their product.
Right.
Because the grocery stores don't want to pay any more than anybody else because
they're the ones whose stores we actually go to, they have the most to lose.
Yeah.
Um, and then so normally that ends up being like a check on how much food companies mark up.
Make sense?
The thing is, it turns out that at least according to the federal trade commission in the United States, grocery stores were profiteering from the pandemic too.
God, can you believe it?
Yeah.
The FTC recently conducted a study of nine different grocery stores and food wholesalers that includes
Kroger, Amazon, and Walmart.
And they found that as an industry, they didn't,
they weren't able to get like individual company
data, but they found that as an industry, their
profits went up, uh, out of step with their costs.
Oh geez, here we go.
Um, just like the food producers, although it
wasn't nearly as dramatic as the food producers.
Um, for example, in 2015, the peak markup, the
peak profit was 5.6% across the industry.
And then in 2021, it went over 6%.
And then two years later, it hit over 7%.
Oh boy.
And again, this is out of step with their costs.
Uh, and they also found that the large chains, um,
used their clout to basically get their hands on scarce
products and edged out smaller competitors.
So they basically created mini monopolies in their
areas, in their regions, temporary mini monopolies.
Geez. So that's a thing too, for sure. many monopolies in their areas, in their regions, temporary many monopolies.
So that's a thing too, for sure.
We're getting gouged both by the food companies
and the grocery stores it seems.
Yeah, I mean I can tell when I go to the grocery store
it's a big difference.
Right?
One thing we should mention kind of quickly here
is this idea of shrinkflation,
because that kind of figures in,
that's another
sort of sneaky way to increase profits.
That is when you pay the same price for less of something that you used to get.
Whether it's five less dishwasher detergent inserts that come in the packet or whether
it's ounces off of a chocolate bar or
ounces out of a Coke bottle the price is the same and
It's generally just like there's nothing illegal about it, but it's like oh boy
maybe they won't notice if we make the
The the two liter coke one point seven five liters right if we just keep the price the same and that's what happens
Yeah, it's another form of inflation.
Even though the price doesn't go up,
like as a whole, the unit price,
like say the per ounce price has gone up
because you get less for the same price, right?
Right.
People who track inflation actually adjust for that
because it's so widespread shrinkflation is.
But one thing that's not typically tracked
is something related called skimpflation, where But one thing that's not typically tracked is something related called
skimpflation, where the ingredients or the packaging or something degrades or downgrades
to save money, and that actually affects the price or the value or the quality of what
you're paying for. That's not tracked as part of inflation. So there's still a way
to kind of wiggle through without making it seem like you're ripping the customer off.
Yeah.
So you mentioned other schools of thought.
We're gonna talk about some of those
because there is no arguing that during the pandemic
that the prices just went way, way up.
Like that's just, it's a fact.
But there are economists at the Fed,
the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City that wrote a paper about these corporate profits during the pandemic.
And they started looking at the dates and the timing of this stuff.
And they noticed something interesting, which was that the biggest price hikes happening in 2020 through about the first quarter of 2021. And the inflation didn't get really bad until later on
in 2021 and just devastatingly through 2022.
And so the Kansas City economists basically said that
they raised these prices early because they thought
they saw the future, that higher costs were coming
down the line.
So instead of waiting until that happened for a big
spike in prices,
let's start raising these prices now
to kind of smooth things out over time.
Yeah, instead of one big increase,
maybe five smaller increases
that equal that same big increase, right?
Yeah.
And that makes sense.
That actually is pretty smart.
I mean, like if you're a business,
of course you want to predict increases in cost.
The thing is, is the fact that prices don't normally come back down. What we were talking about with your anecdote about a gas going up.
Yeah.
When prices, uh, uh, like of a certain type of item or whatever, go up, but tend
to not come back down really that they're called sticky or they're in economic terms,
those prices are downwardly rigid. They don't like to come down, right? So as eggs, right? Eggs are
the miracle. So as the, as companies like costs, their marginal costs to create and deliver the
product go down, those prices aren't going to come down accordingly. So their profits are just going to be nicer and nicer.
Um, that is an explanation that's definitely more in step with the idea.
Like this is just normal capitalism.
Like it happened to be a seller's market during the pandemic because demand went
up and companies were there to fulfill that demand and demand drove prices up
and their costs didn't increase in steps.
So they were able to reap a higher profit.
That's kind of like that, what that explanation is saying.
Yeah, for sure.
There are people that are like, hey, this greedflation thing, I don't agree with it.
There's a guy named Eric Levitz at New York Magazine who had a very long piece critique
basically on the greedflation argument and
said a bunch of things that we're going to go over now.
But the first one was that, hey, we've had corporate consolidation for a while now and
they could have just raised these prices whenever.
So I'm not buying that this happened just during the pandemic.
But what we're – and a lot of people,
including Robert Reich, who's a very smart guy,
are pointing out, it's like, no, what they're saying
is they gave him the cover to do that,
and they've sort of admitted this on the call,
so I just say throw that one out right away.
Yeah, it totally discounts the idea
that brands try to cultivate goodwill with their customers,
that they just wouldn't care
that their customers
didn't like them, T.S., you're gonna buy our stuff anyway
because we're consolidated.
I agree, let's throw that one out.
All right, the next one was,
and this is kind of what you were talking about,
but that 54%, nearly 54% increase in corporate profits.
He argues that it's the effect of inflation, not the cause, and that we've got it backwards.
Josh and Chuck have it backwards.
Right, exactly. The companies were there to offer the products at the higher price,
and they just happened to make this windfall, and that's just, it was in their favor, right?
I mean, it's a, it's a legitimate, um, explanation.
It's just, again, it skirts that issue of
whether that's okay, I guess.
Yeah.
And then, um, the other thing that Levitt
eventually settles on is these, like all that
stuff that people say, um, that pandemic
narrative for higher prices, all that's correct.
Demand was high.
Supply was tight.
Um, people had way more money than they normally
do all of a sudden, uncle Joe Biden sent him a
bunch of checks.
Um, and that corporations have always been greedy.
And that I take this to basically say like, if
you don't, if you don't like what you're seeing,
if you don't like being price gouged for food during a pandemic, then don't live through a pandemic in a capitalist country.
Sorry.
Right.
You know?
Sure.
That is pretty inconvenient for a lot of people.
Exactly.
Yeah.
And a lot of people are saying like, no, we've, we've got to do something about this.
There's a, um, a society general banker, uh, general banker, economist named Albert Edward, Edwin,
I can't remember, Edwards, I think. And he said that what he's seeing, this is the guy who said
he's been at this for 40 years and he's never seen anything like it. He said that it's unprecedented
and astonishing levels of corporate greed that we're seeing as a result of these price increases and these profit
margins that we're seeing are eye popping. This guy's an economist doing it for 40 years. He's
like, this is just wrong. And he threw out something that a lot of people on both sides of the
political spectrum do not like to hear. He said we should consider price controls. Like if
corporations are going to go this, be this reckless with people's lives and budgets,
then we need to control them.
The government needs to step in and say,
you can't charge over this amount for this product.
Yeah, and I mean, there are even like super capitalist,
Keynesian economists who agree about part of that,
which is like, hey, if there's a like of Asian economists who agree about part of that, which is like, hey, if
there's a real bottleneck of a commodity that only a handful of people control, you should
cap that commodity price so they don't get together and gouge people when there's a real
squeeze on a particular specific thing.
Right.
Not like an overall cap on the price of cereal
or something.
So the thing is, is that there's plenty of stories,
of horror stories from the past where capitalist
economies have tried to use price controls
and that they can lead to scarcity because suppliers
would be like, I'm not gonna get into this business
any longer, I'm getting out of it because I can't make more than what the government's saying I can make.
And all of a sudden that product, say bread, is now really hard to come by because nobody's making
it and demand spikes and people have to stay in line. No one likes price controls. But there's not,
there's not a lot of alternative ideas. Like there's this sense of helplessness in everybody who tends to rely on the federal government
to solve like major massive problems
like food suppliers gouging customers.
You got basically either price controls
or to me the more legitimate answer,
which would be to tax those windfall profits at a higher rate.
Like, okay, if you're just doing like the normal capitalist thing as a corporation, and you can't
help it, that's just what your profits are. If it's, say, during a pandemic or during a crisis,
where people are really hurting and you're making these profits, we're going to tax
above, you know, X percentage higher than everything below that as your profit. crisis, or people are really hurting and you're making these profits, we're going to tax above
X percentage higher than everything below that as your profit.
Now is that trigger, is that like during a specific time or is it like a specific like
percentage increase in profits triggers it or both?
I think both.
I think if you have a situation where normal
competition is being, is just kind of like gone
haywire for some reason, say like the pandemic,
then it would probably kick in because windfall
profits are a real possibility.
And then say anything over, um, you know, a 20%
increase in profits is going to get taxed at 90%
or something like that.
Like, yeah, you can make the profits, but we're going to take taxed at 90% or something like that.
Like, yeah, you can make the profits, but we're going to take away more of it
because we got to help out these people who are hurting while you're benefiting.
We need to keep things a little more even than these guys are benefiting,
these guys are starving, which is the current narrative.
What you're forgetting though, Josh, is when corporations have these huge windfalls of profits,
they pass that along
to their employees by raising their wages and to the consumer eventually too, right?
Sure, sure.
Isn't that how it works?
Yeah, they drop their prices, right?
They just don't keep that for themselves, right?
No, not at all.
Well, that's the problem.
Like, that's where a lot of people are like, okay, we need to figure out just even the
basic structure of corporations. If the point of a corporation is to maximize profits
for shareholders at all costs, at the expense of the economy,
at the expense of people's lives, health, wellbeing,
there's something inherently broken about that
and we need to fix that.
And if you ask me, I don't think there's anything
inherently problematic about capitalism.
I think people who don't care enough about other people or the planet or
something like that have been allowed to come to power over the years and they're
the ones who seem to represent capitalism more than others.
But I don't, I don't think that's necessarily like a pure capitalist
format.
I think it can be much more accommodating of the planet
and of other people without reverting to socialism
or communism or anything like that.
You can still have a capitalist economy,
but why can't you also be like,
you're making way too much money
and people are starving because of all this money
you're making, we need to help these people out
with some of that money so we're gonna tax it.
It just makes sense to me.
I understand that a lot of people revile that and I'm not trying to shove my
opinion down anyone's throat.
It just, that particular answer makes sense to me because this does seem like
just such a haywire weird situation.
Yeah.
And this is especially, uh, sort of triggering for humans because it's food.
We're not talking about luxury items or other weird kinds of inflation.
I mean, this is something that people literally need to live everywhere.
Right.
Like recreational pontoons aren't what we're talking about.
It's really important
stuff for sure.
Yeah, I agree.
I think that that makes it a different a different conversation than if we were talking about
a different commodity or different.
I mean, it seems like it, but jeez, I'm sure we'll hear from people that say that we don't
know what we're talking about.
And oh, man, we're going to get some ugly emails from people.
It's fine. We can deal with it.
But those people don't complain about the cost of food,
I'm sure, right?
You have a right to your opinion, you know?
We have a right to our opinion too, so don't get mad.
You can share your opinion with us,
but don't get mad at us for sharing ours.
Yeah, we're just people.
Yeah.
We don't have some, we never took some oath of neutrality.
Right. To be podcasters.
I think people think that sometimes.
Right.
Yeah, for sure.
We're just a couple of regular dudes, one of whom is wearing an awesome hat right now.
Walking in place, weirdly.
You got anything else?
No.
Well, go forth, everybody, and decide.
Is greedflation an evil thing, or is it just normal, or what?
And if you have other solutions to the idea or the problem,
then I would love to hear those.
Send them in.
And in the meantime, I say, Chuck,
it's time for Listener Mail.
All right.
Hey, guys.
Just want to say thanks for keeping me entertained.
Since the pandemic, I've been the office random facts guy.
I'm already that guy.
Wait, like this guy sends random faxes to people?
No, no, no.
F-A-C-T-S.
Gotcha.
That'd be funny though.
That's a good bit.
People just hear that sound, that fax sound, and they're like, oh god, Gary's at it.
Not again.
I'm sorry, it's Daniel.
I'm already that guy when it comes to a lot of the things I treat, but now it's about all things.
Because of long rides to Ohio to see the family, my toddler's even asked for stuff you should know.
Specifically the firetruck episode.
That's cute.
Makes sense. Which can be tough to find since I'm currently working backwards from newest to oldest.
I even just found out that Josh and I are birthday buddies.
Oh, hey, happy birthday.
That's right. He says and not cancers anymore did they change? Did they change that?
I don't think so. I'll have to look into it. I have felt a little different the last couple years.
All right thank you all again for the hours of enjoyment, laughs and learning. If you do end up
reading this would you shout out my wife Lynn who's become a fan. So that is from Daniel Klein and Lynn and their kids.
Nice. Thanks a lot, Daniel. Thank you for indoctrinating your children into the stuff
you should know universe.
That's right. And they're also listening now to Biblical Time Machine from Dave Roos.
Is it biblical or is it Bible Time Machine?
Daniel says biblical and I'm not sure and we're not going to look it up right now.
Either way, it's a top-notch Dave Ruse podcast.
And by the way, Dave Ruse helped us with this episode too, so that's very appropriate.
That's right.
Double Dave.
Yep.
Again, thank you, Daniel, and if you want to be like Daniel and get in touch with us,
you can send us an email to stuffpodcasts at iHeartRadio.com.
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Truck stop brothels run by a web of ex-cons.
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in a relationship.
Being able to actually hear each other and speak up.
I think most of the time you, we all just want to be heard.
Listen to Angie Martinez IRL on the iHeartRadio app, Apple podcasts,
and wherever you get your podcasts.