The Daily Show: Ears Edition - David E. Sanger Unpacks America's Delusion About Russia and China
Episode Date: May 3, 2024David E. Sanger, White House and National Security Correspondent, sits down with Jon Stewart to discuss his new book, "New Cold Wars," and how America miscalculated Russia and China's power after the ...fall of the Soviet Union.See omnystudio.com/listener for privacy information.
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Welcome back to the Daily Show, Mike, it's tonight.
A White House, a national security correspondent for the New York Times.
His latest book is called New Cold Wars, China's Rise, Russia's Invasion, and America's
struggle to defend the West.
Please welcome back to the program.
David Zanger.
Sir. You wrote another paper. You wrote another paper.
New Co-Warce.
David, first of all, thank you. It's nice to see you again.
Good to be here.
Is the premise that the United States did a poor job of managing risk after the fall of the Soviet Union?
Well, we certainly made a lot of false assumptions, bad assumptions.
That doesn't sound the way.
No.
Nah, wouldn't be us.
Wouldn't be us.
And the fundamental argument of the book is that we believed somehow, we deluded ourselves,
John, into believing that China and Russia, each for their own different
reasons, would like just sign up to the Western world. But we were going to go say, look, we got this whole thing figured out.
All you guys do is come in here and sign on the dotted line.
Right.
We're going to do a rules-based democratic foundation order and everybody would be cool with it.
And that was supposed to be the end of history.
And that was supposed to's the end of history. Western liberalism is triumphant
and we can all just skate on the glorious booty that we get from it. Right now
you can't blame just him because there were a lot of other people who believe it.
Okay and I signed on to a little bit of this myself so I confess but I got to tell you
this basically went on for but I got to tell you this basically
went on for 30 years good 25 anyway because we were busy doing the wars on
terror you were just talking about those a little while you talk about in the
book there's a lot of stories of how George Bush thought that there would
be a great reproachment with Putin over their shared dislike of of terrorism and the two of them I mean there's stories in there that that th. th. th. th. th. th. th. their their their their their their their their their their their their their. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. the the the the the the to the the the the the the the the the the the the the the. terrorism. And the two of them, I mean, there's stories in there that come out of James Bond.
You're on a yacht with George Bush and Putin, and they've just seen a very dark version of
the nutcracker.
It's the dark nutcracker.
You're like, I bet Bush really enjoyed that.
I'm sure he loves anything, hi.
So this was 2002. We were in St. Petersburg.
We were floating down the Neva River. They're in a great party boat. There's this guy
certainly. Wait, you were floating down the river with him. I was floating down
in the boat behind it. We weren't even as well. What are you like tubing? They're in a y' the tubing. The White House reporters do, isn't it's th. th. th. That's, th. th. th. thi. thi. thi. thi. thi. thi. thi. thi. thi. thi. thi. thi. thi. thi. th. th. th. th. th. th. thi. thi. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. thi. th. th. th. th. th. th. reporters do, isn't it? We too.
No, no, no, we were in the pools, just this side, the pool was a river.
All right, okay.
So, so we're following him down.
And there's this guy serving dinner.
He's kind of big and hulking.
It turns out it's Progosion.
Okay. Pregosian, the head of the terrible army. Well, at the time, he was Putin chef.
OK?
His only job was make sure the meals were good.
And he had really glowering look.
Wait, wait, wait.
So he's like Bobby Flay.
And then he turns into the head of a mercenary army.
Well before he did that, he ran the Internet Research Agency and tried to fix the 2016 election
with disinformation.
You know, they really are Renaissance men.
It really is.
That's talent.
That's talent.
So now, this appears to be going along until George Bush wants them to go after Islamic terrorism
and then at that point Putin wants them to go after Chechnya.
Right, or at least Putin wants to use the excuse to go after Chechnya.
That was the beginning of Bush beginning to think, you know, maybe this guy isn't the
one we thought he was.
He looked into his soul. Yeah, well, you know, he may have looked at the wrong soul. So, so in 2007, Putin shows
up at this thing called the Munich Security Conference, and he says, you know, there are
parts of Russia that have been separated from us that really belong to us, that to the Russia
that Peter the Great created. And remember, Putin isn't trying to recreate the Soviet Union. He thinks the guys who ran the Soviet Union were idiots were tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho tho to recreate the Soviet Union. He thinks the guys who ran the Soviet Union were idiots.
You go into his office, he's got a big bust of Peter the Great there.
So who do you think he thinks he is?
Forgozion.
No, no, no, Peter the Great.
How do we miss all of this? And even if we had been on to it, what would we have done
differently? So first it was a combination of sort of bad intelligence, wishful
thinking. Oh sure, he's going to be troublesome, but at the end of the day he
cares about his oil exports, his gas exports, more than he really cares
about this. And look, up until the weekend before, the invasion happened, there's a story
of Crimea. No, the invasion of Ukraine. Ukraine. Okay. In 2022. So this is not, this all past
2014. Yeah, 2014 comes. He takes Crimea. Obama says, I'm not going to war for something
that used to belong to Russia. Nobody does sanctions for a year, right? And the next year, the Chancellor of Germany, Angela Merkel,
signs the Nord Stream 2 agreement.
It creates this pipeline that runs from Russia around Ukraine,
so it doesn't get any revenue from it, and straight into Europe.
And he says, she says, you know, Putin's a reliable supplier.
He's realistic. Yeah, right. Okay.
Reasonable assumption, maybe, because he really hadn't cut off gas supplies.
So what happens next?
Seven years later, he goes after full-on Ukraine.
The US reveals the intelligence in starting in the late fall.
They get this remarkable intelligence.
They send Bill Burns, the CIA director, who used to be ambassador to Russia to say, this
would be a really bad idea. And Bill Burns, the CIA director, who used to be ambassador to Russia, to say, this would
be a really bad idea.
Putin says, oh, I'm not, you know, I'm not doing anything.
And the weekend before, everybody's back in Munich, and there are a bunch of Europeans
saying to me and everybody else, oh, he's not really going to invade.
He's just bluffing.
He wouldn't risk his oil revenues.
Four days later, he invades.
The intelligence chief for Germany
was in Kiev the morning of the invasion.
They had to evacuate him, because he didn't believe they would invade.
So what did he think that noise was?
He got out of town kind of fast.
So, this is all hindsight though.
In truth, what could we other, when someone is imperialistic in that way, what can other
powers do short of an actual shooting war to prevent these kinds of things?
There's no guarantee that tougher sanctions after Crimea would have deterred him?
It sounds like this is kind of his destiny,
and he's fulfilling that destiny, come hell or high water.
So that's the other piece of this,
which is we impose our values on Russia, China,
and we think, well, we're not going to do something that would get in the way of our economic interest.
Neither would they. So China's a really interesting example.
Xi Jinping comes in more than 10 years ago.
Joe Biden spent a lot of time with him, traveled around with him, but the intelligence reports
of as she are, this guy's not going to challenge the West.
He's going to tend to his economy, make sure all is good, right? We now discover, and you read about in the book, there are these secret speeches that he
gave almost as soon as he came into office saying, we're going to build up our nuclear forces
to the size of the Russians and the Americans.
We're going to make sure that we take our claims in the South China Sea.
I was out in the Rose Garden of the White House when she came to visit and promised everybody he wasn't going to militarize
these islands.
They're building in the South China Sea.
A year or two later, you look on satellite photographs,
there are fighter jets showing up on the islands.
Kind of looks like military resistance.
Well, that's just convenience.
Yeah.
Are we lying to them?
Or are we lying to ourselves? I think more to ourselves.
So you know, we did not want to conceive of a world in which we were back in superpower
conflict.
We wanted to live in the world in which the U.S. was the predominant power.
We finally calmed down the Middle East, or doing real well with that.
And that we could go and focus on competing with China,
some containment of Russia.
And you know, Biden happened to be the one
sitting in the office, sitting in office,
when this all fell apart.
And most of the book is a story of what happens when that fell apart.
It's the story of how there's operasia nuclear plant in Ukraine,
the biggest nuclear plant in Europe, suddenly everybody's afraid is going to become the Zopo-Resa nuclear plant in Ukraine, the biggest nuclear plant in Europe, suddenly
everybody's afraid is going to become the world's biggest thirty bomb.
Yeah, right.
And there's an amazing story right from New York City two years ago, October of 2022, when
President Biden shows up at a fundraiser at James Murdoch's house.
They're nice New Yorkers.
Not familiar with the last name, but go ahead.
Yeah.
He's actually sort of the black sheep of the family.
He's the Democrat who raises money for for Biden, among others.
So they're, you know, nice New Yorkers walking around with their wine looking at
his art collection.
The president comes in and says, by the way, we're going through something that is the closest to nuclear war we've had since the Cuban Missile Crisis. They're all looking at each other like
he drops that at a cocktail party? I'm sure they all thought that it was really the
moment to get out to the Hamptons, don't you think? He drops that and then is like, do you guys have brie? Like what? He does actually, people in the White House were amazing? th... th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. the, the their, th. the, the, their, their, their, their, their, their their their their their all all, their their all, their all, their all, their all, their all, their all, their their their, their, their, their, their, their, their, th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. their their their their the He does, actually, people in the White House were amazing.
They now call it his Armageddon speech,
because he had, it just said the same thing in the Oval Office.
Right.
Then that he turned everybody and go,
and my word is, don't.
That's his big thing now.
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Haven't we sowed the seeds of this with our own arrogance
and cavalier approach to a lot of these foreign
policy conflicts.
A, we always frame things as, this is a battle between democracy and the free world and
liberation and authoritarianism.
But the truth is, we're fighting for trade channels and resources.
Like, this is all a function of competing capitalist powers,
and aren't we the ones, I mean, we've invaded more countries than Russia and China combined.
So, how do we give ourselves somehow the past as the white hat guys
when a lot of our policy has created a lot of the chaos that they're
taking advantage of.
It's...
I'm done, I'm out of here.
So, there's been a lot of that going on in American history for a long time.
Teddy Roosevelt, you know, took over his fair share of territory.
But I think in the Biden administration we've had to sort of face these contradictions.
Because at the beginning of the administration, the president was saying,
just what you said.
This is a battle between democracy and autocracy.
And everyone says, OK, that's pretty clean.
Then he goes to Saudi Arabia. Does the fist bump with MBS, right? And I was on that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's th. that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's that's their that's that's their their their their their their their their their. their. their. their is is their. their. their. their. their. theirse. theirse. theirse. theirse. theirse. theirse. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. thiiiiiiii. th. th. th. th. th. th. th. th Saudi Arabia, does the fist bump with MBS, right?
And I was on that trip, they weren't quite sure how that was going to.
Are you ever home?
No.
When you cover the White House, you've got to go where the president goes, as part of the job. And then, you know, we move on to what's been happening in Israel and the Israel Hamas war.
And as you said earlier, we are in the very odd position of both providing aid and providing
the arms that are being dropped on Gaza.
And I think this administration has had the hardest time trying to go right that, and
obviously is causing a lot of pain not not only for Gazans, but for
people in the administration who are having a hard time living with it.
Would it simplify our position if we stopped pretending our morals were beyond the reproach
of all these other countries?
Would it help us to not have to scold everybody for failing to live up to principles that we very clearly do not uphold.
Well, at least we have some principles, okay? That's the one thing to be said.
But we say that, but you know, you can't invade a country.
What happened in Iraq? That's right.
You can't call for regime change. What did we do in Libya? Every time we say these things, we undercut our own position with, I mean, for God's sakes,
Iran is an enemy today because we overthrew their democratically elected government in 1953.
So at what point do we just admit that this is how we're behaving?
The odd thing is, at the moment that presidents do admit that, they get chewed up for admitting to American error. Obama went and apologized to the
Iranians.
I'm not saying apologize.
I'm just saying, like, take off the mask and go, you know what this is, it strikes
me as, it's colonialism and imperialism in a more modern form.
China is in Africa, trying to extract, we're trying to extract, we're
militarizing economic rivalries and creating all kinds of chaos and death over
what is ostensibly trying to get better deals. Well some of it's better deals,
some of it is protecting technology and I argue in here that with China as opposed
to Russia, this is, first of all,
this is an incredible competitor, and it's a competitor in the military sphere, in the
technology sphere, in finance, in economic...
And we're their best customer.
And they are ours.
And that's really what makes this different from the old Cold War.
So a reason there's new in new cold wars,
and there's a reason there's an S at the end.
First of all, we're fighting two simultaneously.
The old Cold War, that wasn't the case.
Is fighting the wrong terminology,
because isn't that, look, the only people that
never lose a war are the military industrial complex, are the people that sell the weapons. And if we continue to, if we continue to push that, you know, weaponization of these
economic rivalries, aren't we just playing into that cycle?
We are playing into the cycle, but if you're in a world in which vacuums happen, if we
say, okay, we're done with this, you're going to go back and build our big walls and sort of recede from it, someone fills that space. And that space is
going to get filled largely by China, some by Russia, some by other authoritarian regimes.
And so we've got to make a really hard and bad choice, which is do we want to be
the one trying to fill that void with our technology and our principles,
understanding that we violate them all the time.
Or do we want to let an authoritarian regime go fill that space, which we know how that's
going to look?
It seems like what we should do is be honest about what our aims are in the way that
China went into Africa and did
Belt and Road, knowing that really it's about cobalt and lithium, and rather
than us going into Africa and just building up all these small military
hunters that end up creating all those dictatorships that create so much
chaos and pain for those countries. Well I'd argue that now we're not doing it with cobalt, we're doing it with semiconductors, right? So the big story that that th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, that th, th, that th, th, really, th, th, really, th, really, th, th, really, really, th, really, thi, really, really, really, really, thi, really, really, thi, really, thi, really, really, really, really, really, really, really, thi, really, thi, thi, thi, thi, really, thi, really, really, really, really, really, really, really, really th, really th, really th, really th, really th, really th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, th, thi thi thi thi thi, thi, thi, thi, thi, thi, thi. thi. the thi. thi. they. they. thi. they's thi. they's they's thi. the the the the the thi. thi for those countries. Well, I'd argue that now we're not doing it with cobalt, we're doing it with semiconductors, right?
So the big story that we tell in here,
went to Taiwan, spent a lot of time
at Taiwan semiconductor, which is the biggest producer
of the most advanced semiconductors in the world,
and looked at the question, does that create a silicon shield for the United States and for Taiwan?
In other words, that the Chinese would not dare take over Taiwan because they would
lose access to Taiwan semiconductor.
When are we going to learn?
Any sentence that begins with, would they dare?
Yes.
They would dare.
And so would we.
And so, and so my argument here is, it's a Silicon Shield for a little wild, John, but eventually
the Chinese are going to learn how to make everything Taiwan semiconductors making.
And at that moment, we've got a real Taiwan crisis.
And so the book is sort of a warning ahead to what these next 20 or 30 years are going to
look like.
Because this is not a world in which these new Cold Wars are going to look like. Because this is not a world in which these new cold wars
are going to end sometime soon.
They are going to be the dominant theme of the next 2030, 40 years.
Long after Putin and she are gone,
and long after Joe Biden and Donald Trump are gone.
I don't believe that last part.
The Trump's never leaving?
I think the two of them, honestly, it'll be like 2084.
And they'll be like, it's another Biden-Trump rematch.
I can't believe it.
Two heads in a jar.
New Cold Warms.
It is available now.
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