The Daily Stoic - Sam Koppelman on Voting Rights and Serving the Common Good | Accepting The Little Facts of Life
Episode Date: July 6, 2022Ryan reads today’s daily meditation and talks to Sam Koppelman about his new book Our Unfinished March: The Violent Past and Imperiled Future of the Vote-A History, a Crisis, a Plan, servin...g the common good, the history of voting rights, and more.Sam Koppelman is a New York Times best-selling author. He is currently a Principal at Fenway Strategies, where he has spent half a decade telling the stories of leaders working to make the world a better place—and he’s written for publications including the New York Times, Time Magazine, and The Washington Post.The Daily Stoic is now available as a Shortcast on Blinkist. You can revisit past episodes or get through ones you missed—all with a fresh perspective and even a few updates in insight-packed listens of around 15 minutes. Check it out at blinkist.com80,000 Hours is a nonprofit that provides free research and support to help people have a positive impact with their career. To get started planning a career that works on one of the world’s most pressing problems, sign up now at 80000hours.org/stoic.InsideTracker provides you with a personalized plan to improve your metabolism, reduce stress, improve sleep, and optimize your health for the long haul. For a limited time, get 20% off the entire InsideTracker store. Just go to insidetracker.com/STOIC to claim this deal.✉️ Sign up for the Daily Stoic email: https://dailystoic.com/dailyemail🏛Check out the Daily Stoic Store for Stoic inspired products, signed books, and more.📱Follow us: Instagram, Twitter, YouTube, TikTok, FacebookSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.
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Hey, prime members, you can listen to the Daily Stoic Podcast early and add free on Amazon music. Download the app today.
Welcome to the Daily Stoic Podcast where each weekday we bring you a
Meditation inspired by the ancient Stoics a short passage of ancient wisdom designed to help you find strength and insight
of ancient wisdom designed to help you find strength and insight here in everyday life. And on Wednesdays, we talk to some of our fellow students of ancient philosophy,
well-known and obscure, fascinating and powerful.
With them, we discuss the strategies and habits that have helped them become who they are
and also to find peace and wisdom in their actual lives.
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check it out at Blinkist.com Accepting the little facts of life.
In the late 1800s, Theodore Roosevelt was on a hunting trip in Big Hole Basin in Montana.
The trip did not get off to a good start.
Upon getting off the train and searching for a wagon to transport them, Roosevelt and
his party immediately ran into the first of many issues.
The wagon they found was overpriced,
the harnesses were rotting and falling apart, and the horses were spoiled and ill-trained.
There wasn't much use in complaining. Roosevelt later wrote in his wonderful hunting memoir,
The Wilderness Hunter, because, quote, on the frontier, one soon grows to accept the little facts
of life, this kind, with bland indifference.
Because what was the alternative?
Let it ruin the trip, yell at the horses, fix the harnesses with your anger.
In fact, part of the appeal of the outdoors lifestyle is that it is a challenge and that
it tests us in these little ways.
Camping and hunting, the Stoics sort have said, are both great metaphors and great training
for the difficulties of life.
Bad luck continued on the trip with mishap after mishap.
The wagon got mired at various crossings.
The horses were a constant struggle,
and the weather was freezing.
At one point, it looked like the weather was set
to take an even more serious turn.
Roosevelt turned to his partner and said casually
that he would rather
it didn't storm. His partner, even more stoic than Roosevelt, stopped his whistling, looked at him,
and said, we're not having our rathers on this trip. And then cheerfully resumed whistling.
The truth is, we don't get our rathers in life either. All of us are pulled along by fate,
or the logos
as the stoics would call it, as well as by fortune.
Sometimes they line up with what we want,
sometimes they don't.
That's why Amor Fati is the right attitude.
We have to embrace it.
We have to accept the little facts of life.
Blended difference is a start, but cheerful whistling
is even better.
And check out the Amor Fati Medallion,
as well as the Amor Fati necklace we have in the Daily Stoke store.
I carry the medallion on me everywhere that I go.
It's just this wonderful reminder you can touch it,
and you can take that blend and difference
to the kind of cheerful whistling
that Roosevelt was talking about.
We don't get our rathers in life,
and so we might as well embrace the things
that have happened
to us. So go to dailystowic.com
slash store.
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I was in Gratz, Austria,
sort of been in 2014,
the obstacle's way just came out,
although don't think it was out in Europe.
And I was running along the Mure River, I'm sure I'm pronouncing this wrong, but I was running
along this river in Gratz, because I was there to give a talk.
And my wife's in the hotel room and I, when I got back and suddenly my phone rang or I got
a text, I don't remember what it was, but I got someone I knew hit me up to go, hey,
Brian Coppillmann is talking about you
on Twitter and your new book.
And I was like, huh, that name sounds really familiar.
And then I looked it up.
And the reason the name sounded familiar
is because Brian was the screenwriter
of one of my favorite movies, Rounders,
which I saw so many times in high school with my friends.
I went to high school right when that poker craze blew up.
And I remember I told Brian this,
I was like, my friends used to quote that movie,
we knew it all my heart.
And he's like, that's what I wrote the movie to do.
I just remember liking that conversation.
Brian was one of the first sort of really cool people
to read obstacle and talk about it.
I would not have guessed that almost 10 years later,
I would be interviewing his son on this podcast as I talk about it the podcast because I remember
him mentioning his son and him telling me that his son was like a junior in high school or something.
I would not have expected that in the subsequent years one that my things would go into do what they do.
But that Brian Sun would go to Harvard, graduate from Harvard, write multiple best-selling books
right from the New York Times, Time Magazine, The Washington Post.
He would be a very well sought-after speech writer and political advisor.
And also be a principal at Fenway Strategies
where he helps tell the stories of leaders
trying to make the world a better place.
He has a Texas connection.
He lived in El Paso and he worked on Beto's campaign
for president.
In the 2018 midterms, Samuel Coppeman
was also the speech writer for Michael Bloomberg.
As he attempted to flip the House of Representatives, he also worked for Hillary Clinton as a
digital strategist and circuit speech writer, but I wanted to have him on after I
listened to his episode with his dad on Brian's amazing podcast, The Moment,
which I was on many years ago, because Sammy just worked on this book
not for, but with Attorney General Eric Holder. And that book, our unfinished march, the violent
past and imperiled future of the vote, is a fascinating look at the fight for voter rights in
America, arguably the most important right that we have. And I really wanted to have this conversation with Sammy, not
just because the book is great and the issues it talks about are important. But I'm interested
in young people who are doing things, young people who make me feel old, because they are
clearly the sign that a new generation is ascendant and then I'm no longer the young kid
whiz like older than my years person that was so central to how other people saw me for a long
time. And I just was really looking forward to this conversation. I think it went great. You can
follow him on Instagram and Twitter at SamuCoppleman.
You can check out his new book, Our Unfinished March.
And I have another episode coming soon with Eric Holder.
And I think these go well together.
And I think you're really going to like enjoy.
I was, I've been meaning to tell you that you of all people have the unique ability to
make me feel very old.
Not because you're young specifically, but because I remember when I met your dad, he told
me that his son was starting college.
So for you now to have written two books, and that doesn't feel like a long time ago to that person now be in there like,
need one ease and having their career.
And just, just,
I feel like done with college blows my mind.
This is good revenge for you
because you've been making people feel old
for a really long time.
So that's good.
That's to, you had a comment.
I think so.
That is, I think because I, because of that,
and you probably get this a lot,
people are always reminding
you how young you are.
So, it's just always happening.
And then, so, for something to make me feel old, the other one that does it to me is all
here from athletes.
And they'll, they'll like, like I was just hearing this guy, he just got drafted in the NFL.
And he was like, oh yeah, I read it when I was like in high school.
And I was like, what?
When were you born?
And then, and then it's like, oh, this guy was born like in the early 2000s.
Like, like, there's a number after 2000, you know, and I'm like, and you're now going
to play in the NFL, that math works, that's fucking insane.
For me, watching people who I remember getting drafted to the league get old and what their
skills fade, that's always the most shocking one.
I'm like, how are you
struggling right now to play 40 minutes?
You're 17 year old with promise.
Well, the broad James is that like sort of constant reminder for me because he's like the last of that generation kind of and
like I remember when that was that, like all the athletes that were of my generation are now,
and sports reminds you that generations come and go much faster
than it seems in regular life.
Yes, it's like a little microcosm
for the thing that's happening everywhere else,
deprastically.
Yes, it's sped up, It's like they're in dog ears.
It's like you're like, yes.
The other thing I was talking to someone about this, all my friends' dogs are being put
down because they got, these are the dogs they got when they got together as a couple.
And now they have kids, but like the dog is now 10 to 15 years old.
Like my dog, the dog I got when I left college
is 16 years old. So like it's the end of a general, it's the same thing. The dog is reminding
you that that's happening to you. It's just less perceptible.
Your dog is like on Chris Paul's same journey of greatness. They're both persisting through
all expectations of folks at their age.
That's exactly right.
Well, dude, I'm really excited.
I love the book.
So we'll talk about the book and a bunch of other stuff.
But I thought we'd start with what I think you and I both perceive in people are age and younger, which is a sort of kind of either an ironic detachment
or cynicism about the world
and what's happening in the world,
which I relate to,
but how do you think about that?
There's a quote I like from General Mattis,
where he said cynicism is cowardice.
I think it's an understandable cowardice, but I see it as a rooted primarily in fear.
Yeah, there's a similar quote from John Loveitt, who was one of President Obama speech writers
that it's not more cool to be pessimistic and right than it is to be optimistic and wrong.
Something like that.
Sure.
But that there's no sort of extra segacious wisdom
in being the person who's always doom saying
and then there's doom.
It's worth it to actually have hope.
Because I was actually just rereading your book,
obstacles away this morning.
And was thinking through this exact question
of how we have a generation of people,
if you go on TikTok and watch Gen Z,
which came right after me,
and you hear the way that they talk about the world
and politics and not one have kids
because of climate change and not wanting to vote
or leave their homes or do anything
or try to engage in a real long-term relationship because they're afraid that it's all futile.
When you hear that, there's something that's seductive about it where you can sort of just throw
in the towel. Your expectations for yourself and your life are so low that it's pretty easy to overcome
them. And then ultimately there's just something so depressing about it.
And I think my generation that just grew up a few years earlier and whatever you thought
of the Obama presidency witnessed that moment where there was real hope in the country and
a bunch of people came together and did this thing.
People said wouldn't happen of electing a black president.
Having that perspective followed
by Trump and climate change and whatever else makes it a much richer, more nuanced one
than the generation that comes after, though obviously every generation thinks that about
the people who come later. But I do think that, you know, I'm one of those people who's
happy to be optimistic and hold on to hope even if I look like an idiot in the long run.
Yeah, I think that's right.
I mean, yeah, and if we can put politics of it aside
for a second, I think there is this,
like when I talked about people,
when I hear people were like,
I'm not gonna have kids because of climate change.
I'm like, you're exactly who should have kids?
When you're like, I don't wanna vote
because I don't like either candidate. You're exactly who should vote. Like there's're like, I don't want to vote because I don't like either candidate,
you're exactly who should vote.
Like there's a paracles quote where he says something
like your disengagement is only feasible
with someone else's engagement.
Basically that when you see the field,
somebody else takes it.
If you don't carry your share of the load,
someone else carries it.
But I think more specifically, if you decide that politics are sickening or gross or you
don't want to be involved, you're not like purifying them.
You're giving it over precisely to the people or the things that you find to be so disgusting
or alarmed.
100%.
I mean, it is funny that you end up in asymmetric warfare with bad people who
still think it's worth paying attention and good people who throw in the towel, and
that's just not going to lead to outcomes that are positive. Like, there's just no way
that that were down to the benefit of the nihilistic people. And that's why I think that the
fatalism becomes nihilism because to decide not to care is to say none of this actually matters because what do you recognize that it matters that human lives matter that making the future marginally better matters that one degree less of climate change is millions billions of lives in the long run.
Then your perspective would be fundamentally different. You couldn't actually excuse your own inaction.
And so you'd end up just being stuck
in this fatalistic self-hating place.
And the nihilism allows for like self-apathy.
Like, I'm alright.
I'm no worse than everyone else.
Well, in the, in the ancient world,
the distinction between the Epicurians and the Stoics
is actually there's not a huge difference between them,
like philosophically.
One of Senaqa's lines is that the Epicurian gets involved in politics only if they have to.
And he says, the Stoic gets involved in politics unless something prevents them.
And I think they have a more expansive definition of politics.
It's not simply running for office or voting or whatever.
It's, I think it means being involved in public life to some degree, right? There's many ways to be
politically engaged. But I think about that quote a lot because it's, there is a certain privilege.
And then also there's a hypocrisy. And it's like like if you really thought it was as bad as you say it was
You as you were saying you wouldn't give up because the stakes would be it's it's that you you actually believe things are pretty stable and normal
And you don't think you can or need to do anything about it
Yes
It's funny like if you apply that you know giant bolder in the middle of town story to this generation
They'd basically be like yeah that boulder is really annoying. It's ruining everyone's life
No one wants to get across it
But it's a fucking heavy boulder. I'm not gonna. I'm not gonna go move it
Like which is just sort of the opposite of stoicism. Yeah, and I think there is, I intellectually and historically agree with some of the
more recent sort of things we're talking about with structural and systemic and intersection
of different sort of forces, but I also wonder if part of the wholesale buy-in to those ideas is partly a justification of the
a preemptive justification of the apathy because like if it is structural and if it is systemic
and there is nothing that individual can do about it, then I as an individual don't have to do
anything about it. 100%. You know, it's interesting. Like, if you think about how people approach these questions, they're like, look at climate
change.
So, the personal responsibility angle, the initial one was reduce, reuse, recycle.
So, people would decide, I'm going to lower my own consumption.
Then the systemic answer to that was you're not gonna stop
climate change, Exxon's gonna still be dig in,
people are gonna still be polluting,
a lot more people are gonna be in India
and China soon, it's gonna be a disaster.
These are systems you can't actually make a difference.
And then like, I don't know, the sort of obstacles
the way answer is like, okay, how do you actually
affect those systems?
And like, you actually, those systems are collections of people.
You have agency over that.
And so like, you know, how can you change the politicians
who are elected, who can change the way we interact
with China, India, or the way we make it,
so that solar is cheaper, that other forms of energy
or electricity is cheaper.
Like, there are ways to individually take some responsibility
over fixing the structural. And I think that's
the chasm where people lose themselves and end up resorted to just throwing their hands
up.
Well, you talk about that in the book specifically about voting rights. You're saying,
you're sort of looking at all these people who got us to where we are, as being a sort
of a multiracial democracy, your John Lewis's, your suffragettes,
the founders, et cetera.
And the sacrifices and the enormous systemic forces
that they bucked in order to do that.
And you sort of go, what is the debt that we owe those people?
Right, but I think that's a larger question
because the world has always been ruled by systemic
and structural and intersectional obstacles and forces.
And the only reason it is where it is now is that individuals believed that they could affect systemic or structural change,
not usually as individuals, but as a collection of individuals.
And so I think the question is when you have studied history and you come to sort of
see and understand who these heroes are, then that question is like, what am I going to do with
the baton or the ball that they passed me? 100%. I mean, you know, I've been thinking about where I
was before writing this book. And I was in one of those places where I was a little bit
at the FedExa politics, wasn't paying much attention.
Former Attorney General, first black Attorney General asked me to write a book about voting
rights.
I'm like, of course, I got to do this.
Still kind of excited, but honestly, like, all right, you know what it's like to write
a book.
You got to start the process from the beginning.
It's pretty miserable.
And go then in as a whole other kind of animal too,
because you're not in control.
And the voice is not entirely yours
and all those different considerations.
And then I start looking into the first third of the book,
which is the history of voting, right?
So it quickly changed my mindset on all these issues.
Because yeah, like you look at our agency now,
these people who are giving up
and assuming we can't do anything.
And you compare it to the agency of the folks
at the beginning of our country.
And it's not even close.
Like, I don't know, I've been thinking a lot about
how women won the right to vote.
And when those first suffragists took up that fight,
women didn't just not have the right to vote.
They basically didn't have rights.
They basically weren't citizens in the country.
And if they were victims of domestic abuse, sexual violence,
they, in most states, couldn't sue their partners in a marriage.
And then in the few where they could,
were met with all male juries.
To change those laws, you need to elect new politicians.
They didn't have the right to vote.
So like, you just think about that static place.
Like, you've got basically nothing.
You have your voice, you have your human ability
to connect with other humans, and then you've got your will.
And they basically decided systematically
to partner with other folks to speak out, to
stop paying their taxes, to exercise whatever they could to go show up in legislatures and
just start speaking.
There's this woman, Angela Grimke, she gave this speech, we talked about it in the book
at a legislature, and the men stopped her from speaking the next year because they said
that they were worried about the
structural integrity of the building because the clapping was so loud, they thought it would
collapse.
I mean, it was one of these wild moments when a woman, the first time a woman had spoken
in the legislature in the entire country and obviously her perspective in that wisdom
that had never been seen there completely shook up the way things were and also shook up
the building literally.
And so you look at in those moments,
how those people channels courage
and decided to not give up
and maintain some sense of agency and autonomy.
And then you look at us now
and we have absolutely no excuse.
And then just one other example of Frederick Douglass,
just because this one is so remarkable,
the second half of this, and it ties in with the first.
So he is obviously enslaved, escape slavery helps lead the rebellion to the South's rebellion,
wins the Civil War, helps abolish slavery.
Could be done.
That's a pretty good, he'd be one of the top 50 Americans anyway.
All time.
Could have stop there.
And then he was like, no, I'm going to go speak
at the first Senegal Falls Women's Suffrage Convention.
And he goes and does that because he just believes
that that's right.
That's someone who starts his life with literally no rights
and captivity and ends up not just trying to
securitize for himself but for others.
And so you have that history in mind,
and it's clear that what we have to do, what's asked of us, the debt we owe is far greater than any of us
are accepting. Have you read the Women's Hour? Yes.
About the past grade. The 19th of, it's incredible. You're just like, you think about how long
that took, it's like a hundred years. I went and I went to that hotel in Nashville,
like right before the pandemic,
and you're just sort of standing in this lobby,
and you're just like, these people fought for,
this not just they fought for a thing that was hard,
but they fought for a thing that was literally inconceivable,
right, not that long ago.
Like it's not, I was just reading about John Stuart Mill
and he's this brilliant philosopher.
He ends up running for like Parliament
or comment the House of Commons.
I don't really know how the British system works.
But anyways, they're passing some bill
and he stands up, this is like in the mid 1800s.
He stands up and he goes,
I motion that man in this law be changed to person,
right? Then it should apply to everyone. And he's literally just like the entire place just
erupts in laughter. Like it's just not just like, hey, should these people be able to vote?
But like we should think about half the population as we're passing by. It was, and it was met with profound laughter.
And it's the first time that this concept of like
women having personhood is introduced
into British politics like in the legislative system.
And so, yeah, that, like it's not just like
a person can affect structural change, but a person can
utterly redefine the structure itself, and that this takes both a lot longer and also
happens faster than you think.
Yes.
And you know, it's worth thinking about the people and the periphery of that who exercise
their agency in this.
With Mill, I think his wife actually wrote with him a lot about these feminist thoughts, hard to imagine he'd have been taking that stand and writing person. I'm not sure about the exact chronology, but without that influence.
And then I think the best moment in women's hour, which we talk about in this book, is, you know, all of these women leave this movement and the vote keeps being like 82 to 82 or
something. And there's this one guy. It's the one. Yeah. The one and his mom. But he, this
book. Yes, but his mom then comes and says, like, you should, you should like do the right thing
today and like give some a rose. And then he ends up doing it. And like, her agency is,
Nath, I mean, that's like the mother of a legislator
who potentially radically changed the history of America.
No, I mean, he absolutely did.
You think about, yeah, it's an individual
can't make a difference.
One mom writing a letter to a son
who is the deciding vote in a state legislature,
which immediately makes it the law of the land in the United States.
If he had gone the other direction, I believe Tennessee was the last state.
So if Tennessee hadn't passed it, it would have been effectively dead.
And I think obviously the woman who writes the letter obviously deserves a huge amount of credit,
but like also, both of them, if I remember correctly from the book, and this is where
I think courage and sacrifice are so interrelated, is that he was the sole supporter of his mother
who was elderly and ill, and he wrecks his political career to make this vote. Right?
So he's not just voting against his party or in an potentially unpopular thing, but he's
also cutting his political throat, but also his financial throat at the same time, but
he makes the decision.
And then we go, oh, democracy is too big and unwieldy, and individual cannot make a difference.
Yes. No, it's part of what's so inspiring looking at the history.
And even the present is the folks who just keep doing the work.
I mean, one of my favorite stories in the book is there was this college student
at North Carolina, A&T named Love Caesar.
And her campus had been gerrymandered, split down the middle.
So essentially meant that all of these black students
and teachers, their votes didn't matter,
because they were split between two districts,
not in large enough numbers to make a difference
in either district.
And she came and drew chalk down the middle of campus.
Gerrymandered is this niche issue people don't understand.
She draws, brings, draws, you know,
this huge line down campus to say, you know,
you could, you could, you could dorm,
could be in district three, and your class could be in district four.
How does this make any sense? You're supposed to have congressional districts that represent
communities. And with that chalk, helps draw the attention of the country to North Carolina,
this gerrymander, big lawsuit comes in, those maps are thrown out. That's a random college student
and those maps are thrown out. That's a random college student at an arbitrary school
in North Carolina, making a difference
for millions and millions and millions of people.
And so the idea that you don't still have the power
to do that is completely incorrect.
And it's just about finding that will
and deciding to do it.
Well, I'm glad we're talking about the women's suffrage movement because it's a lot less loaded
and controversial, which is what the point I want to make, right?
So as we talk about, you know, like, I think, for instance, some people go, obviously,
women, some women wanted the right to vote.
And then it was probably that either people didn't think it was that important or some men
were opposed to the idea.
Of course, when you zoom in,
you find out actually a lot of women were opposed
to getting the right to vote.
And it was this bitter nasty fight for like decades.
But the idea to me, and I talked about this,
I had Kate Fagan on the podcast who I love.
If you haven't read her book, What Makes Maddie Run,
you should, it's incredible.
But I was talking about, I was sort of riffing on it,
and now I, it's something I haven't written about,
but I want to.
I have this idea that history,
there's this kind of dark energy in history,
in America, but in all countries,
it's sort of, there's this kind of fearful, dark race,
it could, it takes a number of labels,
but it's effectively just a dark energy
that's opposed to usually new things
or the expansion of rights or inclusion, whatever.
So like I think about that dark energy.
There's like in retrospect, obviously women
should have the right to vote
and all women more or less agree with this idea.
But at the time, there was a dark energy there that was vehemently opposed to this idea.
Like in the book she talks about this moment where like this mother on her deathbed says to her
daughter, I need you to dedicate your life to fighting against the suffragette movement.
So you think about that dark energy.
A woman is, her death wish is that her daughter, like something is taken a hold of this person,
right? So this is dark energy. And it's as bitter fight and it goes down, splits down the middle,
one guy, when one guy makes his vote, it defeats the dark energy. And then where does that dark
energy go? Shortly thereafter, maybe that's the dark energy
that is the resistance to the expansion
of the administrative state in the Great Depression, right?
Or it's the dark energy that then goes into fighting
and attempting to secure and fight for Jim Crow, right?
And then that's the civil rights movement.
Except there's this kind of dark energy that's always
there.
And we're like fighting against it and we feel like we vanquish it.
And then it goes away and then it regroups and it identifies another issue that you wouldn't
think people would care that much about, but they do, right?
And I'm curious what you think of that theory, because when
I think of voting rights, and the fight, like, that there is an opposition to the idea
of voting rights, is to me, in a sense of how insane and unpredictable this dark energy
is, because like, why would a person be opposed to such a thing, right?
Like it seems so odd and yet here we are.
Yeah, I think that's exactly right.
But one interesting wrinkle is how seductive the dark energy is to those fighting for the
right things, you know, just because we're on the suffragists.
I mean, the initial batch of suffragists, the people who organized the Seneca Falls convention
was with Katie Stanton and them.
They were stops on the underground railroad.
So when folks were escaping from slavery,
they could take safe harbor in their homes.
They understood that people of different races were equal,
which makes sense.
They understood that people, different genders,
are equal as well.
Then, as they're fighting for the right to vote,
they make the strategic decision
where they appeal to those who are in power
and say, you know, if you give white women
the right to vote,
we're going to act as a force to stop against
the encroachment of black Americans in our democracy.
And they sort of co-op that dark energy a little bit in active self-preservation.
But what it means is that when that big moment happens in 1918 and they get the right to vote,
well, it's kind of, it's kind of colored or not colored, it's kind of white.
And so they have to figure out like, okay, what are we going to do the black
women who are left out? And so they go and fight against this other dark energy, which is
Jim Crow. But it's really a continuation of the energy that was trying to stop women
from voting in the first place. It just survives in this sort of like more refined racist
strain. And that then, you know, we then get to the Voting Rights Act of 1965.
Black women, black men, Native Americans, everyone else can vote.
But the darkness doesn't really go anywhere.
And it's how you end up in the current crisis, which most of the books about.
But, you know, for a bunch of decades there, the darkness went to other issues.
They weren't focused on voting rights specifically
because that just seemed like it was consensus.
Yet three Republican presidents in a row
reauthorized the Voting Rights Act
when George W. Bush reauthorized it for the final time
of 2006.
The vote in the Senate was 98 to zero,
Mitch McConnell, Hillary Clinton,
everyone came together and said,
let's do more voting rights act.
But then, 2013, there's this big Supreme Court case, Shelby County vs. Holder.
My co-author Eric Holder prefers to just call it the Shelby County case for obvious reasons.
And what that case does is it guts a significant portion of the Voting Rights Act and
nullifies it. And what happens is the darkness realizes like, oh, we can take advantage of this moment. And once again, people across the country decide
that they can engage in insidious forms of voter suppression.
And it's worth noting that that darkness masks itself.
During, you know, if at any given time
it were obvious which side the darkness was,
and it'd be pretty easy for you to just go
to the side of the light, but you look at Jim Crow laws,
you know, we're talking about literacy tests.
That wasn't on its face,
a bill that had to do with race.
But if you recognize that they weren't gonna be administered
the same way to black Americans and white Americans,
you'd understand it wasn't fair.
If you recognize that black Americans weren't allowed
to read at all for most of American history
till that point, you'd understand it wasn't fair.
But it's hard always in the present,
this is one of the themes of the book
to recognize who the baddies are as the internet meme says.
And like, you know,
the project is identifying where that darkness lies
at different periods of time
and finding ways to root it out.
All the stillings were active in life trying to make a difference, trying to have a positive
impact on the world.
They were suspicious of the pen and in-flosses of people who just wrote about stuff who
didn't do it.
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No, I think about that a lot. It's not a perfect test because politics is complicated.
Sometimes what feels right is actually not supported by data or information. It's not a perfect test because politics is complicated.
Sometimes what feels right is actually not supported by data or information, right?
It can be complicated.
But as a general rule, this is how I try to think about what side of an issue I'm in.
My first primary test is I sit down and I was not like, what are the Democrats think
about this?
What are the Republicans?
I go, what is the dark energy think about this?
Like I was, I'm on this WhatsApp group with someone and they were saying like, you know,
what, what do you think of the Amber herd, Johnny Depp thing?
And I was like, it's not a perfect rule.
But here's whatever the side that angry guys on the internet are on, I think very carefully
about, like, about not being on that side.
I think about, what is that sort of dark, fearful energy?
And I think when I think about the response to trans children, when I think about the
response to voting stuff, there is this kind of dark.
It's not coming from a logical fact-based thing.
It's coming from a kind of a repulsion or a fear.
I talked about this in another podcast,
but I was listening to Patrick Deanon
on Ezra Client's podcast.
And he was talking, Patrick Deanon being conservative
in the moral philosophical sense,
not the political sense.
His book, Why Liberalism Failed, is actually very good.
But he kept talking about the sort of radical changes
that are happening in the family
and in the structural unit of society
and how that's what he's really resistant to.
And as your client kept going,
like, well, what specifically alarms you?
You know, like, what is the thing that happened to be-
He was lying to that.
Do you want everyone to have a mandatory year
of marriage counseling?
Yes.
Or they get divorced?
Yeah, which is like, okay, sure.
But the big thing, the big thing he was clearly upset about
was the legalization of gay marriage.
The dark energy was a repulsion from that thing. He doesn't like that and he can't admit that.
So it becomes a larger philosophical issue and he does a really good job wandering the objection,
like couching it in this larger, cultural, and societal critique. But really at the core of it is just like magnets, like the dark energy is repulsing
the mat and he's just like, I don't like that and therefore I just try to think about
why am I like, where is my take on this? Is it dark energy or good energy or are we the
baddies? Why do we have stolen crossbones on our epilets, you know, as the skit goes,
like, oh yeah, it's because we're the Nazis.
That's why.
Yeah.
And, you know, I think this is one of the interesting things studying history is people
have pretty broad consensus around certain labels being poison.
Like no one's going to say they're a racist now.
Basically, no one's going to say that.
You can ask Richard Spencer, you know, neo-Nazi,
if he's a racist.
I'm an nationalist, he would say that.
Well, he's a nationalist.
There's all sorts of different ways, as you said,
Launder, these terms, or to abstract your ideas
from their true motivations.
And it makes this stuff difficult,
especially absent real data and evidence on either side
of any political question.
And so also, as you said, another difficulty is that sometimes something will feel really
right and then we'll end up being in issue.
Like, I don't know, there's all this ban the box legislation.
Do you remember this?
So, when people were coming out of prison, we wanted to make it so there were lower recidivism
rates. It makes sense. And when they would go to job interviews, a big fight from the
left, which I supported, was to ban the box that you had to check saying you've never been
incarcerated. Of course, then there was a study. and when places ban the box, what happened is employers
just started making assumptions about who might have been incarcerated or not.
And like in fact, it ended up being worse for black Americans writ large and for formerly
incarcerated people.
The second stimulus is a great example of this too.
Of course, we should go bigger, we should take the risk, we should give more people,
money people are struggling, et cetera.
It turns out economics doesn't really care about what's right or what you're feeling is
or your debts are.
It cares about whether the economy is running too high and layer summers was pretty much
right.
And so that is, those are good examples where if you're just trusting your gut, you may end up doing what feels like the right thing but it's actually the wrong thing.
And that's why voting rights is actually a fun issue to write a book about because I don't know, it's kind of simple.
Like, do you want to make it easier to vote or harder to vote? Do you want to expand access to the ballot or take it away. And because we have this reservoir of history and all of this
evidence and philosophy and all sorts of different things that made us decide we want to live in a representative government, it makes us so these are actually one of the few issues where there's clear
good and bad. And you want to just basically be on the side that wants more people to vote and
wants to make it easier. Again, an interesting nuance though is that these issues don't actually
turn out the way that the partisans think that they do.
Like a great example of this to me is mail-in voting, where Democrats are like now hugely
in favor of mail-in voting.
So Republicans are hugely opposed to mail-in voting.
And like you think about it, like, and by the way, four of the reasons I mentioned earlier,
Democrats want more people to vote, I always want fewer people to vote, it feels like
a black and white issue.
Like who needs to mail in their ballot?
Like basically like old people, or people who live far away from ballot boxes.
Those people tend to be disproportionately Republicans.
You still got to support mail in ballots because like you want greater access to the polls,
you want more people voting, that's what democracy is.
And so if you go back to those first principles, these are actually pretty easy questions
to answer who the baddies are.
Yeah, I know. It's it's um, I thought about a critique of biopsy.
Biden is trying to radically reshape America.
He he's talking about adding new states to the union.
And it's like, yes, that would be good for a like I actually, I don't think anyone can
accurately say if you added Puerto Rico and DC, let's say, to this, to, we now, we now had 52 states.
I'm not sure, maybe in the short term, you could predict where those states are going to
be, but over the long term, I think it's a toss up what, how they vote. Those are millions
of people who would have agency over their own decisions. Your resistance to it, your
resistance to it is rooted. Again, I think in the dark energy of like, I don't want more people having a say in what's
happening.
And I think you're saying, I don't want to have to persuade those people.
And you can argue, you know, Democrats make this similar assumption where there's like
demographic changes on our side.
And it's like, you're making
a lot of assumptions about a very diverse group of people with a very diverse set of needs
and expectations and beliefs. But if your general thing is, hey, America is better when there's
more people in it. And I feel like I've got a fighting chance to convince them to vote
my way. That's very different than the reflexive sort of dark energy
reservation of like, no, I want to keep things exactly as they are or worse, take them back to how
they were before certain people could do certain things. Yes. And you know, the DC and Puerto Rico stuff,
it's funny. It goes back to that first principle, the founding of America, no taxation without
representation, such a as obvious phrase.
And then you realize that our founders themselves totally didn't then follow that building their
own countries. They're like, to the British, they're like no taxation without representation.
And then George Washington wins in that election, six percent of Americans were eligible to vote,
six percent white land-owning males. And their votes didn't even really matter
because the electoral college could vote however it wanted.
So you basically had almost everyone in America
being taxed with that representation.
And one of the stories of this country,
like one narrative you could tell,
is just us getting closer and closer and closer
to realizing that promise of a no-taxation without representation
and DC and Puerto Rico are clear examples
of how we got to continue that fight
and get more people into the country.
And I agree with you.
I think people have no idea how certain demographics of voters are going to end up voting in
five, 10, 20 years.
Puerto Rico will often vote in a Republican elected official and the way our country is
moving among different demographics.
And when you look historically at different groups that sort of end up assuming whiteness
and how all kinds of different stuff happens,
I think like anyone who's making that guess
in any direction is just totally doing just that guessing.
And that's why you gotta get back to the first principles.
Well, here's the tricky thing about the dark energy thing.
So if we take that as there is this force of dark energy, and most people are not consciously
acting on it, but they are in its sway, right?
This would be Americans resisting women having the right to vote.
This would be the civil rights movement.
I was just reading this fascinating book about the history of the bald eagle.
And he was saying that even though the bald eagle has always been America's symbol,
it was also the case that for most of the last 200 years,
states would pay you a bounty for killing a bald eagle.
And so the dark and why was that?
Well, people thought that bald eagles
killed livestock, which they didn't.
And they also thought that they were taking babies,
like that they would pick,
like you just think of the almost medieval dark energy of like, I'm afraid that an
eagle is going to pick up and fly away with my baby, right? That's not coming from a rational
plate. No. Where I think we struggle politically. And then also I think people struggle in all forms
of leadership is realizing I'm trying to convince someone rationally
of a thing that they came to irrationally.
You know the expression, you can't reason a person
out of a position they didn't reason themselves into
that we, I see time and time again, people on,
again, because both parties are guilty of this,
but people are trying to persuade with facts and figures
against a person or a group that has taken a fundamentally emotional point of view on things,
and then they go, it's not working. Those people are evil or awful or irredeemable.
Yeah, so I'm kind of curious because you spent so much time studying this stuff.
I'm kind of curious because you spent so much time studying this stuff. How do you go about in yourself identifying your emotional pre-programmed responses to
certain things and getting back to a more intellectual, recent place of decision-making?
Yeah, I mean, oftentimes I try to go like, why do I care about this?
Like, I had this instinctive negative opinion, probably
because I read an article, I heard someone talking about it,
and then I'm like backing up, and I'm like,
does this affect me in any way,
or am I like getting up in somebody else's shit?
You know what I mean?
So a lot of times, it's like Mark's really says,
it's a great line about how you don't have
to have an opinion about this.
Like, I feel like a lot of my negative opinions,
or my political opinions that I try to work on,
are things that I, I'll give you a great example,
because I grew up in California,
but large swaths of California are very conservative.
So I grew up in the most conservative county in California.
And I was just reading Nomadland.
Have you read Nomadland? I haven't.
You should. I think it's better than Hillbilly Elegy as far as understanding what's happening
in the world and the author is not a piece of shit. So, it faces, she goes around and she
follow, like, there's this whole, like, millions of boomers, mostly, who in the financial crisis
lost their house, lost their jobs,
aged out of the workforce,
and now like live, not in trailer parks,
but in RV parks, and they travel around,
and they work seasonally at like theme parks
or Amazon warehouses or in national parks.
And so it's this kind of like lost generation
of people who the American dream failed, right? And reading the book, you know, when you hear someone who's just like,
they're like, well, and then this happened to me, and then this happened to me, and then this happened to me.
There's a part of you, a very human part that's just like, I can't deal with this, right?
And as I was reading it, there was a voice in my head of like my dad
that I got from like listening to conservative
talk radio as a kid that I could feel actively trying to convince me that what had like
looking for a way that what had happened to this individual person was their fault.
Right?
I was like, Oh, it's because you drank or oh, you didn't save your money or oh, you
should have gone to college or like I was there was a part of me that was just like trying
to find I realized what I was trying to do is You're like, I was, there was a part of me that was just like trying to find, I realized
what I was trying to do is find a way that it was their fault.
And then I wouldn't have to care.
And this wouldn't make me sad, right?
And so I think about that.
A lot of the political opinions I try to work on are that instinctive reaction of the mind
trying to like detangle you from a depressing, complicated, potentially
no easy solution problem.
So I can just go back to my very comfortable nice life.
That makes a ton of sense.
I find that in myself as well.
If I look at any horrific news event,
I don't know, I was just looking at this, yeah, terrifying and just debilitating, shooting, and Texas.
And there these articles about this woman who was texting the shooter and he texted her in the morning saying he was going to shoot up a school and she didn't report into the authorities.
And like, my gut instinct was like, oh, it's her fault. Like, yes. And of course, I didn't think that, but I was like,
oh, this could have been stopped.
And like, you know, you want to find some explanation.
That's not some people are evil.
And they have too easy access to guns.
They need to pass a whole bunch of policy.
Like what I wanted was a simple answer of like,
oh, you just got to like call the authorities
or someone texts you that they're going to shoot up a school.
And that's not generalizable,
but it's kind of a way to cope with tragedy.
I think about all the different ways
in which my beliefs are pre-programmed.
Have you ever read that Jonathan Hatheput,
the Regis mind?
Yes, I've really...
It's really, I've seen him talk about it
like a bazillion times.
Yeah, I mean, the one thing that
sticks with me from that book,
which may say more about me than him,
but there's this example where,
he talks a lot about how people form their moral beliefs
and how there's all these sort of like arbitrary ways that people form their moral beliefs.
And he gives a bunch of examples where he asks folks to explain why some things were
wrong.
And he finds a few where they can't actually get back to first principles.
And like one graphic one kind of, he talks about someone who likes to go to the grocery store, buy a chicken, and then
instead of eating the chicken or cooking it, he uses it for whatever kind of sexual
whatever, and then throws it out in the trash.
And he asks people to be like, all right, like what's immoral about having sex with
this already dead chicken?
He asks people who eat meat, he controls for people
to think that killing animals is bad.
It's like, what's morally worse about that?
And like, no one really can answer.
You're like, it's gross.
Like plenty of things are gross.
Like, you're like, it's wrong.
It's like, it's not treating the chicken
in like, with any dignity.
It's like, I don't know, like, you're defiled
with chicken. I just don't like it.
I just don't like it. You just don't like it. And like, humans fundamentally,'s like, I don't know, like, you're defiled. I don't like it. I just don't like it. In fact, you don't like it.
And like, humans fundamentally just like, our beliefs are largely like, I don't like
it.
And then you build intellectual apparatuses around it.
So that you're like, I don't like it, but that's because I'm smart.
And like, when you look at the people who are like, are suppressing voting rights, you're
doing anything else that's bad, it's's like something about it just like is all.
They just, whether it's their parenting, whether it's the environment, the milieu that they
grew up in, whether it's something their friends said, their community said, their religion said,
whatever it is, they have this visceral belief, like it's wrong to have sex with a dead
chicken, which I believe too.
And then they build intellect on top of it.
And so that's what's so useful to me as an exercise,
looking back on history and trying to figure out,
like, all right, how do we figure out how to not be
the people who are committing atrocities in the present?
I don't think I'm always gonna be right.
Like I actually do think that factory farming
and mass slaughter of animals is gonna be just seen as
ridiculously heinous, and I eat meat
all the time, and I know that.
And so there's sacrifices I make that are not intellectually based, but it is useful
to go back to those first principles and then just try to understand how to act morally
from there down.
Yes.
Yeah.
It's, uh, and then realizing though, as you, if, if your goal is to persuade
other people that you're not dealing with someone who has thought about it at all, they're
just still in that sort of immediate emotional reaction. And therefore, if you want to convince
them out of it, you're not going to guilt them out of it. You have to make a kind, and
I think certain politicians have done this well, and certain
politicians have done it quite terrible.
You have to make an equally appealing appeal to emotion.
This is under less than rhetoric is therefore, and why it's existed as a medium for 2,000
years is you have to, if someone is stuck in the muck or the mire of this dark energy,
what is needed is soaring, aspiring, beautiful rhetoric.
If you think about the contrast of the ugliness of say,
bull Connor and the German shepherds and the fire hoses,
it, the contrast of the beautiful soaring language
of Martin Luther King, that's not just like his personal style.
That was the only way to, you know what I mean,
that's the only way to balance out the darkness
is with light and beauty and hope and story.
Yes, I mean, the way that they convinced America
to give them the vote wasn't saying, like, you know,
intellectually you agree that the vote,
the franchise is important because democracy leads to representative government that acts on the interests of the
people.
Everyone on their TV screens had John Lewis getting his head bashed in by police officers
for walking.
And that just upset something in your core.
You just know that that's wrong.
And Republicans are so much better than Democrats at that in current politics.
I mean, I always thought, you know, a lot of my backgrounds in speech writing and politics,
how brilliant in a horrible way it was President Trump in 2016.
People don't remember this aspect of this campaign, but at every event, he would try to bring
mothers of people whose kids were killed by immigrants.
So he would have them at every single event,
and TV would air these speeches,
and it'd be a mother, and you just as a human,
you feel horrible for her.
And his indictment is of immigration.
You look at the stats,
immigrants are less violent than native
foreign citizens on the whole,
which also just like stands for reason,
they have more to lose,
be kicked out of a country,
particularly undocumented immigrants,
tend to act as much as they can within the bounds of the law so that they're not going to
be punished for it.
But tell that to that mom.
And you can't tell that to that mom.
And then you can't tell it to the person watching the mom who never feels on the other side.
And then you look at the stats, where did Hillary do better against Trump?
She did better in places where there were a lot of immigrants.
People who every day, aid in restaurants
of immigrants, interact with immigrants,
went to school with immigrants,
who understood, oh, they actually enriched my community
because they just really felt it.
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Well, no, it's a good, it's a good example. There was a JD Vance quote in this great,
and I had him on the podcast, James Pope,
I think he wrote it in Vanity Fair about the new right.
And he was talking, JD Vance was saying,
look, I'm just saying that immigration has been bad
for the people of Ohio or whatever.
And he goes to the factory worker.
And the typical response to that is,
well, it's actually not bad for all these reasons, right?
That's what I'm saying.
You're responding, he's making an emotional appeal.
But this thing at the border, this wave,
this caravan, this, you know,
heightening all the elements of it
that it's been bad for this person.
And those people do feel bad.
So they're like, oh, you're telling me I feel bad
because it's, it's, and you're saying, no,
you don't feel bad, right?
Like you're saying, you don't feel bad
or it's your fault that you feel bad or whatever.
The obvious, the way a good retaritation would respond
the way that a good person trying to make
an emotional appeal would go, is would be to talk about the elephant in the room and that
thing, which is that it was transformatively good for the immigrant also, right?
That like the immigrant left a war torn place where death was certain, where wages were low
and they came here and they participated
in this, you would make the emotional appeal
that by the way, he's arguing as a Catholic,
he should feel obligated to include in his calculus, right?
And so we just do this.
I think we do not only do we do a bad job not knowing
where the dark energy is, but then we do a bad job not knowing where the dark energy is,
but then we do a bad job trying to persuade people
because we don't use the most effective thing,
which is light.
That's what that note from Harry Burns's mother
was a note about light.
It was like, she was like, do it for me.
Do it for the, she called him out of the depths
of his individual
political calculus and got him to think of larger higher principles.
Yeah.
I mean, it's Lincoln calling you to your better angels.
It's a Obama saying hope and change.
That kind of positive rhetoric can be very powerful in counteracting negative rhetoric.
It's also hard when people are just feeling down.
Like, you know, you look at the Democrats in Ohio,
you look at Tim Ryan, who's probably gonna end up
running against JD Vass, and he tells a story about his dad
working in the factory and then coming back there
and he saw it was ripped out of the ground, the machinery.
I once played Tim Ryan into bait prep
for potential campaign.
So I know this story very well.
And he would just tell the story again and again
and again of how the factory job was ripped out
and it was sent to China.
So he was then just scapegoating China.
Yeah.
So it's another message of anger.
He said the reason he ran for president
is his daughter's classmate, her dad was transferred
out of a factory and she had to go to school somewhere else.
And then she lost her friend.
And he said in that moment, I decided I was gonna run
for president, which is this he said in that moment, I decided I was gonna run for president,
which is this like kind of ridiculous moment,
but you understand it,
because it appeals to people's visceral emotions
in a similar way using a different kind of darkness
that the right is using.
But it's darkness channel that people who maybe deserve it more
in the case of the big corporations
that are deciding to increase their profit margins.
But the thing you don't see is in like all of the Americans who benefit from the cheaper goods.
And you know, there's just people on both sides of all these things, depending on like what
where you decide to like how far you would decide to expand the aperture of your lens.
And so it's as, you know, I try as much as I can to separate the emotions as a person
in making these decisions,
and then as a political rhetorician,
it's all about figuring out how to harness
these animalistic human instincts
and figure out the ways to do that in service
of what my intellect tells me is actually good.
Well, the Stoics have this idea
that there's these sort of circles of concern.
And they're, you know, the first circle is yourself
and then there's your family, then there's your community,
then there's your state, it gets bigger and bigger.
But the idea was, how do you pull the outer circles towards the inner circle?
And I think when I think about how I grew up, it was the exact opposite.
It was not thinking about that at all.
And so it requires work.
And then realizing that a lot of people
don't have the time, energy, or incentives to do that work.
And so as you try to persuade or convince,
you have to spell that all out for them.
And that seems to be, people just intuitively
expect other people to do what is right.
As if those people aren't busy overloaded,
struggling, pissed off, you know, have this grievance or that grievance, and then we're like,
oh, they're hopeless or irredeemable or suck. And it's like, no, it's more complicated than that.
They would be good, like, they would be good if they could.
Yes. And it's hard, you know. Once you expand how far out you want to go with those
circles, if you accept that someone far away from you, their life has as much meaning
as someone close to you.
And if you accept that future humans are fundamentally worth as much as present humans,
then you almost definitionally have to enter some kind of effective altruist way of living
where, you know, if you can spend $2 on a malaria net, that will actually prevent someone
from getting malaria on the other side of the world.
It will work.
And if you buy a bunch of those, you're going to save a life because a lot of people get
malaria.
Or you do it with deworming drugs, which is one that's even more viscerally understandable,
where you make it so a kid can go to school
because they don't have worms in their stomach for $2.
So like guac is extra, or like, you know, get guac,
and there's like two kids who don't have worms in their stomach.
It's just the moral stakes of the head are so high
that you can get it all willing.
Same trade after in the pandemic, right?
That less distant shore, but like,
hey, if I make this decision, it may prevent a person,
a person I will never meet, who will never meet,
who will never meet, it might prevent them
from dying in a hospital away from their family.
You remember that movie?
It's called like the box or something with Jody Foster and it
was like, would you open this box? You get a million dollars, but someone dies far away
in the world. This whole movie was promised around it. And like everyone was like, what
would you do? And like we all open the box during COVID. Like every single person was like
opening the box and it wasn't for a million dollars. It was still like, go to the grocery
store or whatever. I think it wasn't for a million dollars. It was still like go to the grocery store or whatever.
I think it would be inside at a chilly.
It's exactly.
Like that movie is outrageous if you go rewatch it.
And like yeah, it's because humans don't do that thing.
And so when you think as like someone whose job is to persuade humans and politics,
you kind of have to just appeal to people's own self-interest
and hope that in doing that, you can link
their self-interest with the interests of the people.
You'd rather live in a country where everyone has freedom, where everyone has the right
to vote.
You'd rather live in a world that's welcoming of immigrants than a world that shuns
them away.
And you have to somehow link the selfishness with the collective good.
It's an incredibly difficult project, but I think that's the work of politics.
But I think it's also the work of families, right?
So that's where I wanted to wrap up with you, which is like, how is I'm fascinated with
the compliment family?
What is the compliment family's secret?
Now that I have young kids, what do you think your parents did with you and your sister
that not just allowed you to be successful in the world,
as you're remarkably successful at a young age, but also sort of instilling a sense of sort of purpose
and service, that goes so against the grain that we were talking about earlier generationally.
It's easy to, you know, just scroll on TikTok,
or to talk sort of talk superficially about things
then to actually sort of be in the arena on these issues.
Yeah, I think.
Yeah, it's very kind what you said about the family.
Obviously a lot of this in terms of like,
how I'm able to be someone who can write like this at this age,
is that my writing was edited from the age of 10
by two professional writers.
Sure, you just can't possibly capture
how big a leg up that is
to have some of the best,
even theoretical editors in the world
read your stupid essays in fifth and sixth grade.
In terms of how they tried to
imbue some sense of purpose,
they were very clear about what wasn't important.
I remember I was in trouble at school because I was allowed to watch South Park in third grade.
All my classmates weren't, my parents were.
They didn't shelter me, but then that meant that when they said something was important,
I listened because they just didn't put up many guardrails.
So when they said, you know,
you gotta treat people nicely,
or like, you can't be an asshole.
I was like, oh, that must be important,
because like they let me watch this crazy
South Park episode where like Saddam Hussein
and Satan are having a affair.
And like, I don't even know what that means,
but like, okay, I guess I gotta be a good person.
And I think by giving me that long leash and that real freedom to
shape my interests, my focus, what I did every day, it made it so when they said that the
moral stuff was important, I listened, but you know, I still eat factory farm chickens.
So I'm not sure they did their jobs perfectly.
But I mean, on paper, it's like your grandfather is like the head of one of the biggest record
labels in the world.
Your dad's a, you know, a list movie producer and TV show producer, writer, like you went
to Harvard.
There's an argument where you are, that story is also a HBO drama where you're a real
piece of shit.
You know what I mean? Like, I, yeah. Yeah. So, so how 100%? also a HBO drama where you're a real piece of shit.
You know what I mean?
Like, that's the same thing.
So how 100%?
How, like in some ways, it's much easier
than like, you know, the single parent raising their kid
in the middle of the projects.
But at the same time, the odds are stacked against
raising a well-adjusted, precocious, hardworking,
and public-minded individual.
Yeah, I mean, I think it's one of these things where
I had these two huge things going for me,
which is this like ridiculous amount of privilege,
and then having the fact that I had this ridiculous amount
of privilege, like told to me again and again and again and again.
So like I wasn't someone who like went to Harvard
without any student loans and like just took that for granted.
My parents were like, you don't have student loans.
Like do you know how big a leg up that is?
Like if I had told my parents,
no offense to anyone who goes to works at McKinsey or Goldman,
but if that I was gonna go work at McKenzie and Goldman
without student loans, they'd have been like,
what do you do?
Like, I don't understand.
Like, they worked really hard.
I mean, you mentioned my grandpa.
He used to have to steal, he worked at a clothing store
and would steal suits and would wear him over the other suits.
It would walk out for interviews to go get his first job.
I didn't have pizza until he was 22 because he couldn't afford to eat out.
That stuff was told to me all the time, not as a way of he earned his keep or whatever.
That was worthy success.
A lot of people sacrificed a lot for you to graduate from college with no student loans.
For me to be able to go to private school for a bunch of years. I mean, like the layers and layers and layers of privilege
in my education are ridiculous.
And then it was told to me in that way.
And it was like, you better make something of this.
And by the way, to that end, and maybe this is a problem
for therapy, but like you say all these great things
about where I am now.
And like obviously
I feel like coasting and complacent and need to be doing much more and need to be making
a much bigger difference and need to be making more sacrifices. So there's a pathological
problem with this approach probably, but at the very least what it did is instilling me
a sense that I think, and we try to get at this idea in the book,
that the country should have of the people
who made the sacrifices for us to all of
in the world we live in today,
which in many ways, flawed as it is,
is obscenely privileged beyond the imagination
of those generations.
Sure.
A world where most people have,
the median American is way richer than
Maria Antoinette was at her time.
Like, we have that same obligation
to pay it forward as a country
and to build on the legacy of the sacrifices made
by past generations.
And so personally, and as a citizen,
I feel like, you know, the work's just beginning.
Now that is what we were talking about earlier,
it's in the book, what is the debt?
What's the debt we owe the people who sacrificed to get us here?
And then the more effective altruism thing is interesting, because I'm working on William
Agascale's new book and the title is What We owe the Future.
So it's sort of like, what do you owe the past?
And then what is the contribution you're going to make in the future that sort of passing of torches,
maybe that sort of, despite the unrealness of your individual circumstances actually
ends up rooting someone in a somewhat grounded place?
Yes, absolutely.
And by the way, McCaskill in his last book, one of my all-time favorites, doing good
better.
I did the marketing for that book. No way.
So I'm like completely on board and completely agree.
And I think that that question of how we set the future up to be better than the present,
just as the people in the past set us up, I think, you know, it's the fundamental question
for all of us to answer.
Yes.
The idea that your kids are going to look at where they're going to,
this how we made it through the pandemic as parents,
we just thought how are we going to explain what we did to our kids
when they're 15 years old and they're looking at us quite critically
and they're going to be like, oh, so you just sent us back to school and whatever
and they were like, why did you have to work?
And we're like, well, no, not really.
And we just, you know, we just needed our me time,
you know, we would make our decisions based on
how are we going to explain this to a person
who in the future is going to ask what we did.
You know, they're gonna ask what we were contributions.
What did you do?
You know, how did you make a positive difference?
We thought a lot about that.
And it's not a perfect thing.
Well, history judged me kindly,
but I do think we go,
oh, I wish I lived during the civil rights movement.
I would have done something.
And it's like,
but what are you doing now?
Because that's what you would have done in 1963.
Yes, that's usually nothing.
And I think, you know, history is nebulous.
What will history think of me?
Who cares?
But what will your kids think of you?
What will your grandkids?
What will the people who live far away think of you?
That's the question that should really kick your ass and motivate you to go do something.
Yeah.
And also, what do people who would,
what would someone who never met you think of you,
if they were, they described, you know,
sort of what side of this or that you were on.
And then I think, again, it makes the dark energy thing
a little, you know, most people, it's like,
well, most people in California in 2008
were opposed to gay marriage.
So I was just on that side, you know, whatever it was, right?
That doesn't, when I look back at the things that I'm most ashamed by, my reasons that
I had at the time do not age well.
Right.
100%.
You told yourself a story that enabled you to keep acting the way you wanted to keep acting.
And you fit it to that visceral belief that you just should keep doing it because you like doing it.
And once you intellectualize it and actually look at these moral judgements as you would
if someone else were making the same decision, that's the thing I always try to do.
It's like, all right, someone else was in my shoes.
But I'd be like, all right, that's kind of a sketchy
way of making a decision.
And then I try to adjust.
But I like thinking about someone,
generations and generations and generations of us,
ahead of us, looking back,
and they're answering the question,
were you the baddies?
And like, that's it.
Like, what side were you on?
And I actually think that all these different topics,
lots of different sides, kaleidoscopic interests,
but when it comes to the right to vote at least,
it's pretty clear which is the right side.
And so hopefully, you know, you'll read this book
and come to the same conclusion that we did.
I hope so, I love the book,
and I'm a big fan and we'll talk soon.
Thanks.
It's not that life is short, Seneca says.
It's that we waste a lot of it.
The practice of Momentumori,
the meditation on death,
is one of the most powerful and eye-opening things
that there is.
We built this Momentumori calendar for Dio
to illustrate that exact
idea that your life in the best case scenario is 4,000 weeks. Are you going to let those
weeks slip by or are you going to seize them? The act of unrolling this calendar, putting it
on your wall and every single week that bubble is filled in, that black mark is marking it off forever.
Have something to show, not just for your years, but for every single dot that you filled
in that you really lived that week that you made something of it.
You can check it out at dailystoward.com slash M M calendar. Hey, prime members, you can listen to the Daily Stoic early and ad free on Amazon Music,
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Celebrity feuds are high stakes. You never know if you're just going to end up on page six
or Du Moir or in court. I'm Matt Bellesai.
And I'm Sydney Battle, and we're the host of Wondery's new podcast, Dis and Tell, where
each episode we unpack a different iconic celebrity feud from the buildup, why it happened,
and the repercussions.
What does our obsession with these feuds say about us?
The first season is packed with some pretty messy pop culture drama, but none is drawn out
in personal as Britney and Jamie Lynn Spears.
When Britney's fans form the free Britney movement dedicated to fraying her from the infamous
conservatorship, Jamie Lynn's lack of public support, it angered some fans. A lot of them.
It's a story of two young women who had their choices taken away from them by their controlling
parents, but took their anger out on each other. And it's about a movement to save a superstar,
which set its sights upon anyone who failed to fight for Brittany.
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