The Daily Stoic - The Escalation of the Rivalry that Destroyed Rome

Episode Date: March 5, 2023

Ryan presents the second of four excerpts from Josiah Osgood’s Uncommon Wrath: How Caesar and Cato’s Deadly Rivalry Destroyed the Roman Republic. Here, in Chapter Two, we witness the parallel paths that the rivals took as they grew and gained power in Rome, as well as how their journeys shaped their personalities.You can listen to Ryan’s recent conversation with Josiah here.✉️  Sign up for the Daily Stoic email: https://dailystoic.com/dailyemail🏛 Check out the Daily Stoic Store for Stoic inspired products, signed books, and more.📱 Follow us: Instagram, Twitter, YouTube, TikTok, FacebookSee Privacy Policy at https://art19.com/privacy and California Privacy Notice at https://art19.com/privacy#do-not-sell-my-info.

Hey, prime members, you can listen to the Daily Stoic Podcast early and add free on Amazon music. Download the app today. Welcome to the weekend edition of the Daily Stoic Podcast. On Sundays, we take a deeper dive into these ancient topics with excerpts from the Stoic texts, from the Stoic texts, audio books that you like here recommend here at Daily Stoic, and other long form wisdom that you can chew on on this relaxing weekend. We hope this helps shape your understanding of this philosophy and most importantly that you're able to apply it to of life. Thank you for listening. Hey, it's Ryan Holiday. Welcome to another weekend episode of The Daily Stoke Podcast. When I was writing my book, Conspiracy, I was fascinated by the contrast of Peter Tiel and Nick Denton to polar opposites who also had so much in common who ended up clashing, destroying each other and so much in the process, going to depths I don't think they ever would have imagined. And this is also the story of today's podcast, but back in the ancient world.

This is about the rivalry of Julius Caesar and the stoic Cato, which precipitates the end of the Roman Republic. It's a fascinating book by Professor Josiah Osgood, who's been on the podcast before. He wrote this book, Uncommon Wrath, published by Basic Books, which I think you're really gonna like.

I enjoyed reading it. I know a ton about Cato and Caesar and I got a lot out of it. And this biography about these two men who hatred for each other destroys the world they love. It's a clash of virtue and vice in both men. And I think you're really going to like this excerpt today. So here is a deep dive into Caesar and Kato. Uncommon Wrath by Josiah Osgood. Thank you to Basic Books for letting us publish this audiobook.

Hi, I'm David Brown, the host of Wundery's podcast business wars. And in our new season, Walmart must fight off target. The new discounter that's both savvy and fashion forward. Listen to business wars on Amazon music or wherever you get your podcasts. Chapter 2 Making names for themselves. In many times and places, those aspiring to a political career

have found it useful to serve in the armed forces. In Rome, it was mandatory. And so after his brush with Sulla, Caesar left for military service on the staff of Marcus minutius Thermos, then serving as Governor of Asia. Thermos was a partisan of Sulla, and a tour with him, especially if it was successful, offered Caesar the further opportunity of improving his relations with the men in charge of the Republic. In Asia, thermos had been entrusted with the task of subduing Mittellini, an ancient Greek

city-state on the island of Lesbos that had joined the rebellion of King Mithridates of Pontus against Rome about a decade earlier. Mittellini's impressive walls and extensive fleet, along perhaps with some strategic alliances with local pirates, had allowed the city to hold out against the Romans in a lengthy siege. Firmus was determined to end it. As part of his preparations, he sent Caesar to collect ships from King Nicomedes of Bithinia, a large and

wealthy state on the coast of Asia Minor, kicking off a scandal that would dog Caesar for the rest of his life. In the east, the Romans commonly kept men like Nicomedes in power, in exchange for which the kings maintained order and offered support in wars. Apparently Caesar spent longer than was expected at the King's court, and he returned for a second visit later on. While Caesar might have had good reasons for daliying, it was typical for Roman nobles even at a young age to cultivate friends and allies across the Empire, enemies of Caesar spread a more salacious story. The handsome

young Roman, they said, was having an affair with the old king. Sex with another male inn and of itself was no slur on a Roman man's masculinity. Most important was that his own body not be penetrated, and the accusation held that Caesar had been in the passive role. He had become the queen of Bethinia. Story circulated of Caesar riding in Nicomedes' litter, serving as a cup bearer at the King's Banquets, even being dressed in purple and escorted by attendance to the royal bed chamber, where he was laid down in a golden bed for his deflowing. Little or any of this may have been true. Similar smears were commonly directed

against young Romans on the make, especially if they were good looking and would drag doubt for years afterward. The stories do at least give a sense of the luxury of Nicomedes 's court, which must have made an impression on young Caesar. In later years, he was to become an avid collector of gems, statues and paintings. He could determine the weight of pearls it was said just by holding them in his hand. Caesar was fortunate in that he could brag of a real accomplishment to set against the gossip. After returning from Nicomedi's court, he took part in the final successful assault on the long recalcitrant Mittellini, and for his part in it was decorated by thermos with

a civic crown. A much prized honour, the crown was given only to those who had saved a fellow soldier's life in battle. It entitled aware at various privileges back in Rome, including the right to wear the crown itself made of oak leaves at ceremonial occasions. Years later, Caesar was to appreciate a similar crown of laurel that he was allowed to wear at all times, not just for its distinction, but also because it masked his receding hairline. receding hairline. With Mittellini finally vanquished, Caesar transferred to the service of Publius Servilius Vatia.

A pillar of the Solon regime, Vatia had held the consulship of 79 BC and was now tackling a long-standing problem made only worse by the war with Mithra Dates, the infestation of the coasts of Asia Minor with pirates. But shortly into this new tour, Caesar received urgent news from Rome. Sulla was dead, and the seething discontent against him and his policies suppressed for several years was bursting into the open. There was even talk of denying him a funeral in Rome, although that was quashed when his faithful lieutenant Pompey had Sulla's body brought to the city on a golden beer. Caesar returned to Rome at once, despite his youth, his relationships with Marius and

Sinner would make him a powerful ally for the forces trying to undo Sulla's measures. Though he was invited to join the revolt, and the brother of his wife Cornelia did join, Caesar ultimately stood back, correctly determining that it would fail. One of the consoles of 78 quintus Lutatius Catulus with help from Pompey took vigorous measures to suppress the uprising. The dictator's injustice is still wrinkled with Caesar, but he was not prepared to throw away his career in a futile attempt to remedy them. Caesar was learning how to choose his moments. Caesar turned 22 the year solar died. Almost a decade still remained before he could hold

the quay-storship, the first rung on the ladder of political offices that brought membership in the Senate. In advance of that, it was essential to make a name for himself in Rome, not only to ensure electoral success, but to begin building the influence that, along with actually holding office, brought power and glory to a Roman politician. The civic crown was a start, but it would take more. Looking back later at his own early days in politics, Caesar's near contemporary, Cicero recalled a humbling moment. Cicero had won election to the Quastorship and been sent to Sicily as his area of responsibility. Rome was suffering a scarcity of grain at the time, and Sicero compelled the Sicilians to send additional supplies to the city, in

the expectation that he would win a claim for his efforts. After sailing back from Sicily at the end of his term and landing at the busy harbor of Puteoli, Sicero nearly fainted when he was asked what day he had left Rome and whether there was any news from there. With gritted teeth, he replied that he was just back from his province. Yes, of course, his questioner replied, from Africa if I'm not mistaken. Irritated though he was, Cicero claims that he found the experience valuable. I became aware that the people of Rome have rather deaf ears but sharpened sensitive eyes. He went on to explain, I stopped thinking of what men would hear about me.

I did take care that every day after that they should see me personally. I lived in their gaze. I kept close to the forum. Neither my porter nor sleep denied anyone from having access to me. The forum was where news was made. This was because much of the city's politics took place there. It was in the forum that a magistrate could convene a meeting on whatever topic he wished, a new legislative proposal, the Progress of a War, the latest bribery scandal.

Up onto the lofty speakers platform, the rostra he would climb, to address crowds that might number in the thousands. So loud did the people roar on one occasion it is reported a crow flying overhead dropped dead as if struck by lightning. It was in the forum that magistrates lined citizens up to vote on legislation. Tensely with the magistrate wait as the ballots were cast and counted. Passage of a controversial bill was like victory on a battlefield. In the Forum II religious festivals and funerals were staged, sometimes with lavish entertainments, theatrical shows, gladiatorial matches, wild beast hunts. Citizens came to the Forum to hear debate, to vote, to worship, to mourn, to be entertained. Even on ordinary days, a pageant of politics unfolded.

Through the forum, Senators swaggered, trying to draw attention with their purple trim tunics and togas and the large retinues of supporters that accompanied them. To the forum came candidates for office, with clever slaves at their side, to whisper the name of everyone's hand they were shaking. In the forum, the ten tribunes of the plebs sat on their tribunal, ready for citizens to make appeals for help. For a politically minded young man, not yet old enough to run for office, spending time in the forum was of the greatest benefit. There he would watch how more experienced politicians and candidates conducted themselves.

He would also start building up his own retinue of followers, by greeting citizens, inviting them to his house for a meal or doing small favors for them. When even the humblest Roman boy came of age, he would put on the toger of manhood and walk to the forum with family and friends at dawn. It was the great man's duty, if asked, to join the procession, even from the outermost edges of the city. Upon his return to Rome, Caesar appeared often in the forum to try to charm ordinary people. Beyond such daily interactions, there was one especially good way to grab attention, and Caesar seized that too.

Those accused of major criminal offenses in Rome, including murder, treason, electoral malpractice, and extortion in the provinces, were tried at standing courts held in the open air of the forum. The Praters, magistrates just below the consuls in rank who presided over the trials, would sit on elevated wooden platforms along with juries numbering as many as 70 high-ranking Romans. There were no public prosecutors, rather the Prater and jury would choose a well-trained speaker to stand up and make the case. Young men not uncommonly applied for the privilege to do so, eager for the publicity they could earn. Criminal trials were great events, almost a form of theatre. The defendant, often a major politician,

might speak for himself, and would certainly call on his most eloquent friends to support him. His relatives sat beside him on a bench, below the tribunal, dressed in rags and smeared with dirt to a rouse pity. Especially exciting was the onslaught of the prosecutor's speech. What evidence would he produce? What scandals from the defendant's earlier life? No argument was inadmissible. Gossip picked up on the street corner could be cited as evidence as could eyewitness testimony.

A starring role in a trial was an irresistible opportunity for Caesar, and in 77 he secured the right to prosecute Neas Cornelius Dolabella, who had recently returned from the governorship of Macedonia and been awarded a triumph by the Senate. Whatever his military talents, Dolabella pretty clearly had been guilty of abuses in his authority, a common problem among provincial governors during and after the years of Sulla's domination. Caesar was able to make his case not only by using ample evidence of wrongdoing handed over by the Greek cities, but also with his own thorough training in rhetoric.

A forceful orator, Caesar prided himself on the clarity of his language. A void, a strange and unusual word, as you would a reef, was his advice to speakers. He had a talent for witty epigrams and his delivery was marvelous. He spoke in a high pitch and with impassioned gestures that thrilled his audiences. Speaking on behalf of Dolabella, were the two leading advocates of the day, Quintess Autensius and Gaius Cotter. So small was the ruling class of Rome, Cotter was himself a kinsman of Caesar's mothers.

Dolabella also spoke in his own defense, gleefully raking up stories of Caesar's visits with niccomides. It was likely at this trial that the salacious tales about Caesar took root in public consciousness. Caesar ultimately lost to this older and more experienced team, but he acquitted himself well. He published his own speeches from the trial, which gave them an audience beyond the crowd gathered in the forum. This amounted to a success in what was surely his main goal, to establish himself as a public figure in Rome. The following year, the Greeks enlisted his help in another case.

This time, it was a civil suit for recovery of property launched against Gaius Antonius, a brutal officer of Sulla's who had plundered Greece during Sulla's war against Mithridates. When judgment went against Antonius, he appealed to the tribunes of the plebs. Although Sulla had curtailed the tribunes' right to initiate legislation, he did let them keep their traditional power to veto the actions of other magistrates, including the traitor handling Antonius' case. It was for situations like this, as far as solar was concerned, that tribunes existed.

At least one of the tribunes agreed to support Antonius, and so the Greeks' claims were dismissed. Many in Rome were disgusted, not so much out of sympathy for the Greeks, but at Antonius' brazen move. To have a judgment thrown out like this was unusual. There was nothing Caesar could do, and while he would have preferred a victory, he at least gained some additional goodwill. Caesar needed to consider how to spend his next few years. He was in his mid-twenties and had begun to establish a good reputation, the Nicomedes affair aside. About four years

since, he would be eligible to stand for the post of military tribune. Not a political magistracy, it was still a significant office, but involved administering the yearly draft as well as commanding in the field. 24 military tribunes were elected each year. Caesar could be confident in gaining one of the positions when the time came, but meanwhile he craved some further distinction. Ideally one he would not have to share with 23 others. To keep on prosecuting, Ristk'd making him look like the sort of speaker who spent all

his time in the courts going after anyone he could, a lawyer for hire. Also, while it was acceptable for a young man who aspired to a political career to carry out a prosecution or two, the longer Caesar persisted, the more he risked acquiring enemies and alienating too many members of the small ruling class. Though Cicero was right that visibility in Rome was important for a young man in politics, a dashing military exploit, like Sula's capture of King Jagurtha, could catapult a reputation. Caesar had won the civic crown, but he might do more.

Once again, it seemed opportune to leave the city. Caesar decided to travel east, ostensibly his purpose was to spend time on roads, studying with a master of public speaking there, Apologna Smolon. Caesar certainly would have enjoyed the bracing intellectual life of that beautiful island, not to mention its splendid artistic heritage. But already familiar with the politics of the region from his earlier visit, he probably sensed that he would also have the chance for some military adventure. His friend Nicomede's had just died, and having no legitimate heirs had bequeathed his kingdom to Rome. The Senate promptly agreed to accept the legacy, and not simply because

Bithinia would make an attractive addition to the empire in its own right. Tensions between Rome and King Mithridates had been flaring up, and the senators did not want Mithridatees to snatch Bithinia first. War with Rome's old foe was likely to break out, and Caesar would be there to join it. Yet opportunity came sooner than expected. On his way to Rhodes, Caesar was captured off the coast of the smaller Giannieland of Farmacusa by one of the many bands of pirates that was so active at the time. For nearly 40 days he was held in captivity on a ship, along with the physician with whom he was travelling and two slaves. Meanwhile, the rest of his party was off raising

the ransom the pirates had set. Allegedly, Caesar scoffed when the pirates set the ransom at 20 talents. Caesar scoffed when the pirates set the ransom at 20 talents. He insisted that he was worth more and promised they would get 50. That was equivalent to 1.2 million Roman sisterces, or three times the wealth required to qualify as an equestrian in Rome. Throughout his life, whenever he was attacked, Caesar struck back. In the interest of advancing his political career, he made an exception, suppressing at least temporarily his feelings against Sulla and Sulla's friends. But on these pirates, he could exact immediate revenge. As soon as the ransom was delivered and Caesar was freed,

he sailed to the nearby harbor of Miletus, raised a small fleet and set back out. Caesar had warned the pirates he would return. Even so, they were caught off guard when he sailed up to their ships, which were anchored off the same island where they had been before. After a fight, he took most of the pirates into captivity. He journeyed to the governor of Asia to ask that the pirates into captivity. He journeyed to the Governor of Asia to ask that the pirates be crucified, the standard punishment for outlaws in the Roman world.

As it happened, the governor was in the midst of organizing the new territory of Bethinia, and Caesar's visit may also have had the goal of helping some of the late Nicomedes' relatives. For whatever reason, Caesar and the governor clashed, and the governor refused to make an immediate decision on the fate of the pirates. Outraged, Caesar returned to his captives and had them killed anyway. It was the first sign of a ruthlessness that others who later crossed Caesar would come to know. His brutality notwithstanding,

Caesar's actions were well calibrated to add to his popular appeal. For years pirate fleets had been growing in size and spreading havoc further and further afield. Romans fumed that these brigands drunkenly coroused on every coast of the Mediterranean. In taking revenge on the band that had kidnapped him, Caesar knew he would gain recognition when word of what happened made it back to Rome. The story was forum gold. Raising kids can be one of the greatest rewards of a parent's life. But come on, someday, parenting is unbearable. I love my kid, but is a new parenting podcast from Wondry that shares a refreshingly honest and insightful take on parenting.

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So if you like to laugh with us as we talk about the hardest job in the world, listen to, I love my kid, but wherever you get your podcasts. So if you like to laugh with us as we talk about the hardest job in the world, listen to, I love my kid, but wherever you get your podcasts. You can listen ad-free on the Amazon Music or Wondery app. By the time Cesar finally made it to Rhodes to begin his planned course of study, hostilities broke out between Mithra Dates and Rome. When allies of Mithra Dates launched an attack in Asia Minor, Caesar crossed from roads

and recruited troops from the local communities, just as he had done to take on the pirates. With these forces, he drove out Mithra Dates' prefect and prevented nervous allies of Rome from defecting. Though not so memorable as his revenge on the pirates, his actions had the potential to spawn yet another tale to impress people back home. Caesar's second sojourn in the East was proving more fruitful than even he might have hoped. He was acquiring not just a dashing reputation, but also first-hand familiarity with military and imperial affairs that would commend him to

citizens and politicians back in Rome. His profile in the city was growing, as was shown by exciting news he received while still overseas in 73 BC. He had been elected pontiff, one of the city's most distinguished priesthoods. Romans was zealous in the worship of their gods. Only with the gods' support would Rome and its empire stay rich and powerful, and so the gods needed to be cultivated as situously, with bountiful sacrifices, opulent temples, festivals, prayers and more. Positions in the major priesthoods went to the most powerful members of society, the men of the great noble families.

One did not have to be old, however, to gain such a position. When a vacancy opened, it sometimes would go to a young noble, especially if his family had had a tradition of service in the college. There were several priestly colleges in Rome, each of which cultivated distinctive expertise. The Orgas, for instance, specialized in divining the will of the gods through observation of the flight of birds, thunder and lightning and other natural phenomena. The Pontiffs oversaw the worship of the gods and controlled the city's sacred spaces as well as the calendar with its many festivals.

In addition to 15 Pontiffs, the college included the Vestal Virgins, who tended the perpetual flame of the half goddess Vesta in her temple near the Forum, as well as the so-called Flamines, male priests assigned to the worship of an individual deity. Among the latter group was the Flamond for Jupiter. The position Caesar had been nominated to back in the 80s, but had to give up. The fact that it was the other pontiffs who elected Caesar in 73 shed great light on how well his strategy over the preceding few years was paying off. The college was made up almost entirely of nobles who had supported Sulla, men like Servilia Sysaricus, on whose military staff Caesar briefly served, and Quinter's Catalyst, the consul of 78, who had suppressed the rising after Sulla's death.

They never would have allowed Caesar to fill the spot freed up by the death of his mother's Kinsman, Gaius Kota, if they thought he was a new Marius, threatening the privileged position of the nobility. Caesar's behavior had assured them he could be trusted not to rally the people against the Senate as Marius had. Their confidence, as later events would show, was misplaced, but for his efforts Caesar had won a rich prize. He sped back to Rome and was inaugurated in his new office, which fortunately had none of the taboos associated with the priesthood of Jupiter. At subsequent elections, he presented himself as a candidate for the military tribunate and with great support from the voters, handily won one of the 24 positions. Nothing is known of the service Caesar performed

in that office, suggesting that it was adequate but not exceptional. Perhaps simply for lack of opportunities, it hardly mattered. A near decade of sometimes frantic effort from the storming of Mittellini to his entry into the Pontifical college had raised his stature. For all of Caesar's brilliance, his entry into public life followed a conventional trajectory. Kato's was a different story. A man whose heart faced rarely broke into a smile, Kato was not inclined to walk around the forum charming citizens. While he had commanding features, especially a large aqualine nose, he was not renowned

for his looks. As for trying to buy goodwill with meals or relying on slaves to remind him of voters' names, that was cheating, or so Kato thought. One should be elected purely for what one had to offer the republic as a whole. Kato was diffident too about performing services for other politicians or aspiring politicians unless he thought it was for the public good. He bristled at the thought that he could be bought by favours. It was fortunate for Kato that he already had been elected to a priesthood by his early 20s.

His spot was on the board of 15 for sacred actions, a group whose main responsibility was to consult at the request of the Senate, a collection of Greek prophecies known as the Sibylene books. The person whose position in the college Cato filled is unknown. Perhaps it was a distant relative, which would explain his selection at a young age. It spared him having to canvas senior members of the Priestly Colleges later. So prestigious were the priesthoods that his appointment meant he gained an enormous advantage in elections. Still, Kato needed to make a name for himself and he came to see that it was precisely his unusual behavior that could set him apart.

And so he played it up. Dressing as if he had been born centuries earlier, not only paraded his reverence for tradition, it caught the sharp and sensitive eyes by which he needed to be seen. For his oratorical debut, he wanted something equally arresting. Kato had received a thorough training in rhetoric and practiced the art assiduously, one of the clearest signs that he did wish to excel in politics if on his own terms. Yet, as he told a friend, he only wanted to stand up and speak if he had something important to say.

One might have thought that a criminal prosecution would appeal to him, just as it had to his great grandfather with his never-ending battle against corruption. Perhaps a grieved parties shied away from turning their affairs over to so odd a young man. Opportunity struck in the form of a complaint from the tribunes of the plebs. In the northwestern corner of the forum stood the Basilica Porsia, a large hall built by the elder Cato when he was censor back in the 180s BC. The tribunes found it a comfortable spot to sit and make themselves available for consultation by citizens who sought help in private legal proceedings. With their powers curtailed by Sula, this apparently was a more important part of the Tribune's job. But a pillar they complained blocked their seats, and they wanted it taken down. Kato, however, determined to stop the tribunes from taking over his ancestor's building

as if it were theirs, went to civil court to get an injunction against them. This gave him the chance to deliver a speech in the forum denouncing the proposed renovation. It might seem remarkable that the removal of a single column could cause such a controversy, but this was surely Kato's goal. While a high profile prosecution would grab attention, making a big fuss over one pillar was in its own way just as newsworthy. It helped, of course, that the pillar stood in such a conspicuous building and could be gestured at during the debate, whether by Kato and the tribunes or by ordinary citizens discussing the matter among themselves. The dispute was perfect for putting the young man on the map, regardless

of whether he won or lost. As it turned out, Kato's vigorous speech so impressed listeners that he ultimately prevailed over the tribunes after all. The oddly dressed youth had an appealing lead direct, even blunt style. In Amidacy was of stoicism, he understood that dry or ruthlessly logical oratory would not move audiences. He occasionally lightened his tone with flashes of humor and acknowledgments of his own eccentric personality. Another strength was his voice. In the years to come, it would prove one of his greatest assets in politics. It was loud enough to be heard by even a large crowd and strong enough that it did not easily wear out. Kato could speak all day without getting tired.

speak all day without getting tired. The forum crowd would be keen to hear at least a little more from Kato, but there were limited opportunities for him to speak until he held a magistracy. Also, he needed to spend some time away from Rome, developing skills as a soldier. Here too, he would end up behaving unconventionally, in part, out of conviction, but also with an eye to standing out. His first service was with his beloved older half-brother Kaipio. Kaipio had been elected as one of the military tribunes for the year 72, at a time when Rome was facing an unexpected crisis. The previous year, a breakout from one of the prison-like gladiatorial schools of southern Italy, led by the legendary Spartacus, had erupted into a full-scale rebellion of thousands of slaves.

Two separate Roman armies, under the command of Preytoz, were badly defeated, prompting the Senate to send both the consuls for that year into the field. Kipio was assigned as an officer in the army of one of the consuls, Gellius Publicola, and Kato gladly volunteered to join Kipio. Kato was disappointed in how the war proceeded. Both consuls sustained defeats, and for a time it looked as if Spartacus would march on Rome as Hannibal nearly had done. Still, Kato tried to show discipline and bravery.

He embraced the rigors of Camp Life as if he were Kato the Elder brought back to life. And when console Gellius proposed that Cato received decorations for his valour. Cato said he had not earned them and refused to accept them, in another move worthy of his great-grandfather. Anyone else, certainly Caesar, would have grabbed the award. Perhaps Cato was pregustly suggesting that his own standards were higher than anyone else's, including the consuls. Several years later, Kato won election to the military tribune at himself and was sent to help command an army in Macedonia. It was to be his first great journey overseas,

and he took with him an entourage of 15 slaves, two freedmen and four friends. One of the friends was Munatius Rufus, who in an illuminating if perhaps slightly idealized memoir, published after Kato's death, recorded their eastern tour in some detail. The two were so close, they even shared a bedroom, although there is no indication they slept together. Kato appears to have been entirely faithful to his wife,

Attilia, during their long separation. After arriving at camp in Macedonia, Kato worked hard to develop his skills as a commander. His approach mirrored his emerging thoughts on politics. He spent no time toading to the top leadership, but rather tried to inspire the men under his supervision. Anything he asked them to do, he did himself. He dressed, lived, and marched as if he were an ordinary soldier. He gave explanations for each of his orders and reinforced them with rewards as well as punishments. Just as in Rome, he professed to care about the Republic more than his own advancement,

so in Macedonia he put the army ahead of himself. But again, he must have known that his unconventional behaviour, which extended even to refusing to ride on horseback and walking with the ordinary troops, would make him stand out. Sternness and self-control enjo enjoyed a certain kind of respect. Although Kato apparently had no great military exploits on this campaign, other adventures ensued. Granted leave for two months, he decided to visit Pergamum in Asia Minor, one of the most beautiful cities of the East. Dramatically set on a lofty hill, Hergomum was a showcase of innovative architecture

that far eclipsed anything to be seen in Rome. The kings who once had ruled the city had crammed it with ancient masterpiece of Greek art while also commissioning impressive new sculptures. A duel of the city was its library, which boasted 200,000 volumes. Whereas other visitors came to Gapert the Art, Kato had a different mission. Athena Doris Cordillian, one of the most eminent exponents of stoic philosophy, lived in Pergamum,

and Kato wished to befriend him. Athena Doris was a man after Kato's own heart, severe and uncompromising. As director of the Pergamean Library, he had ordered unwelcome passages to be removed from the writing of Older Stoics. He made it a point to resist friendships with anyone in power, even kings. After meeting Kato, however, Ath Doris concluded that he was dealing with a different kind of Roman. He agreed to travel with Kato back to camp and ultimately to Rome. It filled Kato with pride that while other Romans hauled back paintings and statues as momentos of their eastern travels, his catch was a distinguished philosopher. After his year's service as military tribune ended, Kato decided to stay on and see more of Asia Minor. Although the region was notorious

for its temptations, Cicero called it the corruptrix provincia, the province that depraves. Kato's goal was not to visit the fleshpots, but to examine conditions in a vital part of the Roman Empire after so much unrest had occurred in recent years. He also wanted to pay a visit to an old family friend, Deiotaris of Galatia. Like Nicomedes, Deiotaris was one of Rome's client kings who ruled a small territory in the highlands of Central Asia Minor. He lent valuable aid to the Romans in the wars against Mithridates and also shrewdly cultivated powerful Romans to increase his power. Kato's way of touring differed from that of any other well-off Roman. Naturally he insisted

on walking, even as the rest of his party rode. At daybreak each morning he would send ahead his baker and cook to the place where he intended to spend the night. They were to enter the city without a fuss and find an inn for Kato, if he did not already have a family friend or acquaintance with whom to stay. If there was no in, they would ask the city magistrates for accommodation, and cheerfully accept whatever was offered. The lack of fanfare made the magistrates assume that it was nobody important coming, and so Kato would often arrive to find that no lodging had been prepared. To make matters even worse,

when Kato did appear, he would sit silently on the piled-up baggage as if he were a nobody. Then came the inevitable explosion. Oh, you wretched men! You must change this terrible way of welcoming visitors! Not all who come to you will be Kato's. Equally strange was Kato's behavior on the visit to Deo Tarris. The evening that Kato arrived, the ruler plied him with gifts. This was standard in the court of an Eastern ruler, but Kato looked down on it as bribery and left in a half the next morning.

When he reached the nearby city of Pesynos, an even larger pile of gifts was waiting for him, along with a letter from Deo Tarris begging him, even if he did not wish to take anything, to at least permit his friends to do so. Kato still would not yield, to accept one bribe he thought opened the way for others, and accepting a payoff not only compromised the integrity of one's decisions, it placed demands on provincial populations that led to resentment, just as excessive requests for accommodations did. The concern was not an abstract one. A key reason

Mithridate's first great rebellion had succeeded was the mounting frustration at the perceived unfairness of Roman rule. All the gifts went back to Deotaris. Serious minded as Cato was, the tour inadvertently ended up having comic moments. When Cato was entering the city of Antioch on foot, he saw large crowds on either side of the road, young men in military cloaks, children, and even magistrates or priests dressed in pure white and wearing crowns.

Kato, who thought the welcome was intended for him, was irritated with his slaves for not having put a stop to it. He ordered the rest of his entourage to get off their horses and walk with him. The elderly man in charge of the festivities bustled up to Kato and without greeting him said, Where have you left Dmitrius? This Dmitrius, a freed man of Pompey and now one of Pompey's most influential advisers, was actively being courted in the east because the seemingly endless war against King Mithridates had just been turned over to Pompey. Kato's friends were seized with fits of laughter while Kato himself simply exclaimed, what an unfortunate city.

But later he also laughed over how he had been confused for the attendant of a former slave. All in all, the tour was successful for Kato, even if he had not earned glory in war as Caesar had. Kato had enhanced his reputation in other ways, seen something of the Empire and developed his thoughts on leadership and governance. As he stepped onto the boat for Italy, however, he clutched one grim memento of his stay, and earned, with the ashes of his half-brother Kaipio. When Kato had been on campaign in Macedonia, he had received word that Kaipio, while traveling to Asia for some assignment, had fallen sick in the small town

of Iainus, on the northern shore of the Aegean Sea. The weather was stormy, and no ship of suitable size was sailing, but still Kato clamoured onto a little vessel with only two friends and three slaves. They barely escaped drowning, and landed in Iainus only to find that Kaipio had just died. Kato, forgetting every tenet of stoic philosophy he had ever learned, grieved uncontrollably. Wailing, he hugged Kaipio's dead body. He arranged for a lavish funeral and had a statue of Kaipio made a fine, fassian marble set up in the marketplace of Iainus. The departure from Kato's usual austerity and restraint was striking, but as Munatius

no doubt wanted to explain to readers of his memoir, there was a side of Kato that was easy to overlook. Beneath Kato's carapace of inflexible opposition to pleasure and inappropriate requests lay softer feelings. There was his love for Kaipio, and later in life when civil war broke out, Kato wept in grief when citizens killed each other in battle. For Monatius, Kato's grief did not detract from his thorny reputation, but enhanced it. The hard-line Cato took with others, whether fellow politicians or even friends and companions, was not the spiky

weed of some misanthropy. It was the flower of a rare devotion to justice. Back in Rome, as soon as Cato held his first magistracy, that dedication would bloom in unexpected ways. Still, the way Cato scolded kings and berated town councillors suggested that, high-minded as he was, he enjoyed confrontation and would seek more of it. Thanks for listening to the Daily Stoke Podcast. Just a reminder, we've got signed copies of all my books in the Daily Stoke Store. You can get them personalized, you can get them sent to a friend. The app goes the way.

You go as the enemy, still in this is the key. The leather bound edition of the Daily Stoke. We have them all in the Daily Stoke Store, which you can check out at store.dailystoke.com. Hey Prime Members, you can listen to the Daily Stoic early and ad-free on Amazon Music, download the Amazon Music app today, or you can listen early and ad-free with Wondery Plus in Apple Podcasts.