Theology in the Raw - S2 Ep1141: The War in Gaza: A Palestinian Pastor/Theologian's Perspective: Dr. Rev. Munther Isaac
Episode Date: January 4, 2024Munther Isaac is a Palestinian Christian pastor and theologian. He pastors the Evangelical Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem and the Lutheran Church in Beit Sahour and serves as the academic dean... of Bethlehem Bible College, and is the director of the highly acclaimed and influential Christ at the Checkpoint conferences. Munther is the author of “The Other Side of the Wall”, “From Land to Lands, from Eden to the Renewed Earth”, “An Introduction to Palestinian Theology” (in Arabic), a commentary on the book of Daniel (in Arabic), and more recently has published a book on women ordination in the church, also in Arabic. Munther originally studied civil engineering in Birzeit University in Palestine. He then obtained a Master in Biblical Studies from Westminster Theological Seminary and then a PhD from the Oxford Centre for Mission Studies. Sign the petition to advocate for a ceasefire: https://www.change.org/p/an-open-letter-from-palestinian-christians-to-western-church-leaders-and-theologians?recruiter=1319605589&recruited_by_id=a6f6fd10-6e69-11ee-abdf-5b152ac3937c&utm_source=share_petition&utm_campaign=share_for_starters_page&utm_medium=copylink Contribute financially to relief for Palestinians in Gaza: https://shepherd-society.org For ongoing, honest, and well-researched updates on the situation in Israel-Palestine, follow the Scott Horton Show and the podcast “Antiwar News with Dave DeCamp.” The Bible Recap: https://thebiblerecap.myshopify.com/products/the-bible-recap?utm_source=TITR-PODCAST&utm_medium=podcast&utm_campaign=q1TBR_TITR&utm_id=TITR-Q124 Support Theology in the Raw through Patreon: https://www.patreon.com/theologyintheraw
Transcript
Discussion (0)
Hello, friends. Welcome back to another episode of Theology in the Raw. My guest today is Dr.
Munther Isaac, who is a Palestinian Christian pastor and theologian. He pastors the Evangelical
Lutheran Christmas Church in Bethlehem and the Lutheran Church in Beit Sahur. He's also the
academic dean of Bethlehem Bible College and the director of the highly acclaimed and influential
Christ at the Checkpoint Conferences. He has a master's degree in biblical studies from
Westminster Theological Seminary in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, and a PhD from the Oxford Center
for Mission Studies in Oxford, England. He's the author of several books, including The Other
Side of the Wall, From Land to Lands, From Eden to the Renewed Earth, An Introduction to Palestinian
Theology, a commentary on the book of Daniel, and has more recently published a book on women ordination in the church. The last three books are written
in Arabic. This conversation is a sobering one. Yeah, just keep in mind that I recorded this
episode, this conversation with Munther about a week before Christmas. So if something has
happened between this recording and the time you are
listening to it, and it goes unmentioned in this conversation, then that's why.
We talk a lot about the war in Gaza. We talk about how it's affected Palestinian Christians,
how Palestinian Christians have both been encouraged in some ways, but also discouraged by how Christians, their brothers and sisters in
Christ in the West have responded to the war. We talk a lot about how many thousands of children
have been killed and how that has affected the kingdom of God that resides in Israel,
Palestine. We talked about the millions of people who have been displaced.
And Munther also responds to some of the, for lack of better terms, the so-called pro-Israel
arguments or talking points, namely that this whole war is Hamas's fault. Israel has a right
to defend itself. Hamas is using civilians as human shields. And if Hamas laid down their arms,
there would be peace. But if Israel laid down their arms, there would be genocide against the Jewish people. I'm sure you've heard of many
of these arguments or talking points. And we do talk fairly extensively through all of that.
Munther also gives a thoughtful and I would say very Christ-centered response to all of
these issues. We talk about empire. We talk about why so many Palestinian Christians are dedicated to nonviolence, which I find very fascinating,
actually. We talk about why and how many Christians in the West are not at all
dedicated to nonviolence. I think that's an interesting ecclesiological point that I would
like to come back to in a future episode. I learned a lot from Munther in this conversation,
and I think you will too. I'll just leave it at that. I'm really excited for you to listen
to this conversation. Please welcome to the show for the first time, the one and only Dr.
Reverend Munther Isaac. Munther, thanks so much for taking the time to be on Theology in Raw. I know you have,
I mean, obviously a lot going on in your life, not including pastoring, I believe,
two congregations and helping run a Bible
college among many other things going on in your side of the world.
Munther, I've ran into several people that keep telling me, you need to have Munther
on the show.
You need to have Munther on the show.
He's hard to get because he's very busy.
So genuinely, thank you for being on this podcast.
No, it's my honor.
Thank you for having on this podcast. Oh, it's my honor. Thank you for having me and,
uh,
excited.
We finally have the chance to do it.
Yeah.
Where,
where are you in Bethlehem right now?
Is that where you're living?
I am in Bethlehem.
I am literally at the center of Bethlehem at my church office at Christmas Lutheran
church in a very central place in Bethlehem.
Five minutes walk from the church of the nativity where Jesus was born.
And did you grow up there?
I grew up in Beit Sahour.
Beit Sahour is a town next to Bethlehem, also known as the Shepherd's Field, adjacent to
Bethlehem.
The listener might hear some Muslim prayers in the background.
It's because, Munthu, you're right next to a mosque, right?
So five times a day they broadcast prayers.
Yes, side by side with our Muslim neighbors.
We've been neighbors for years here in Palestine.
This is part of normal life here.
Yeah, I lived in Israel for several months
and I remember really loving, I don't know why.
I actually put some other Christians confronted me on it
because these are Muslim prayers. You shouldn't like this. I'm like, there's just
something about waking up to this like prayer over a loudspeaker that reminds you you're not in
America anymore. So I don't know. I actually enjoyed the ambience. I have so many questions
and I, yeah, my heart's just torn apart by what's going on in Israel-Palestine. And I've probably spent
more time listening to various news reports, podcasts, debates, updates than I ever have of
any event. And so, yeah, I just have a whole list of questions I'd love to ask you. I guess I want
to lead with the main question. How are Palestinian
Christians doing with all that's going on? How would you summarize? I almost said your people,
but I'm going to say our people because we are a global body of Christ. How are,
if you're a Christian, our people doing over the last couple of months?
We are broken. We're literally broken by what is happening on multiple levels.
We're devastated by the images, by the reality, by the death toll, by the severity of the killing, the destruction.
We're traumatized even because the images of families leaving their homes,
carrying whatever they could get with them from the north to the south,
and only to realize that their homes have been completely destroyed,
brings to us memories of 1948, the Nakba.
And as such, we realize that what's happening here is an assault,
a genocide against all Palestinians, not just Hamas or a certain political group.
We see what's happening and we understand it.
Gaza is our people.
Gaza is our family, our friends.
And as Palestinian Christians, we're devastated because we have a community there of Palestinians who've been in Gaza for generations,
both people who are, you know, truly indigenous people of Gaza,
but also refugees from 1948 who settled in Gaza.
And many of them have relatives in our congregations, in our neighborhoods,
and we are concerned for them.
We're concerned for what's happening in Gaza, but we're also concerned as a pastor.
I have two pastors for and shepherd for their relatives here in Bethlehem, who literally fear that at any moment they would hear the news of breaking news.
A church, the church was bombed again.
was bombed again.
So far, 22 Palestinian Christians have been killed in this war.
For a small community of almost 900 or 1,000, that's a lot.
That's a big loss.
I'm talking about the Christians in Gaza.
And it's part of a wider catastrophe that's been happening there. I think we're almost now 20,000 people who have been killed. Again, to us, these are not just
numbers. These are people we know. Among them, almost 9,000 children. And I don't think we should
pass by that number easily. There's something wrong with us if we just mention it as a number.
Every 15 minutes, a child is killed. That should horrify every one of us. That should shake
us to our core. And the fact that it's been happening for almost, what now, 70 days, day
after day, and I don't see the urgency of world leaders or church leaders to stop it is baffling,
to be honest. I mean, we're horrified by the lack
of urgency to stop this war. It's as if we don't matter. So when I say we're broken, part of it is
we feel that the world does not see us as equal humans, to be honest. And this is a feeling that
we will carry with us. I know I will carry with me.
Long after this war is over, given the silence, it seems everyone is okay.
And you just look how much, what's the number now?
So it's 17,000.
Okay, now it's 18,000.
This is how it looks like.
We've just turned into numbers.
And I haven't heard serious talks about this war ending anytime soon.
Thank you for sharing.
I mean, especially those of us in the West, we just have no category, no category at all of what it is to live through what you and so many others are living through right now.
So you kind of mentioned in passing, how have you felt about the church, let's just say in America
or in the West in general, how have you felt about the church in the West? Have you felt supported?
Have you felt marginalized, silenced? And again, I know that's a big entity, the Western church. I
mean, there's a lot of diversity there.
But in general, how have you felt about your brothers and sisters in Christ who are living on my side of the pond?
Yeah.
No, I mean, I have to begin by acknowledging that we have many friends who are praying for us on a daily basis, who are sending us constant messages of support.
sending us constant messages of support.
I know many Christians in the West who continue to demonstrate,
who have written letters, appeals, have called aggressively for a ceasefire,
have taken strong stance, and I can't not acknowledge that and thank them. I think this is the time for costly solidarity, and many Christians have shown that.
But I must admit that the noise and the sound of those who are beating the war drum is much louder
and much more horrifying. We've seen Christians who not only justified this war, even called for Israel to turn Gaza into a parking lot.
I just, you know, listened to a scene from the recent Republican presidential debate,
and they were asked about Gaza and Hamas, and the response was horrifying. You know,
you get the impression we're not human. Just destroy it.
Get rid of them.
Finish them with no regard to human life.
And I know some people might say, well, these are not Christians.
But many of them have expressed openly Christian beliefs, even evangelical beliefs.
You know, support to Israel is still strong in the Western world, in the Western church, among evangelicals.
It makes us angry. It makes us angry on multiple levels.
As a Palestinian, it makes me angry.
But as a Christian also, I'm concerned for the credibility of our Christian witness.
I mean, there's this obsession with war and violence. I'm shocked by it.
And I'm not just talking about those obsessed with the end times and
eschatology,
but many evangelical Christians think of this land and,
you know,
the just war theory was justified self-defense,
you know,
as if war is okay,
as long,
you know,
as,
and even that I'm still struggling with
I never think war is okay
and we
shouldn't spoke about war
in such an easy way, of course
it's so convenient to discuss it
to rationalize it, but every time
a child is killed and pulled from under
the rubble in Gaza and every time
we hear
how the world justifies
and rationalizes killing, I'm horrified. I'm horrified. And I can't, I mean, I'm not exaggerating
to tell you that even our faith was shaken by these witnesses, by these voices. I mean,
my God, why do you allow this? How long do we have to tolerate Christians weaponizing the Bible?
And you also have, don't forget, a good number of Christians, churches, who are silent.
They're praying for peace, I'm sure, but don't have the courage to take a stand.
Usually they are the ones who are very generous, by the way,
when the genocide is over.
They will show up with relief money.
They will appear righteous and, you know, they're doing good.
But right now they're silent or they're very, very polite
in their prayer for peace and a ceasefire.
We can't afford this.
We can't afford this.
This is not just any other conflict.
Let me repeat it.
Every 15 minutes, a child is killed.
Are we okay with that?
Seriously, are we okay with that?
Well, I think there's two ideologies, and you hit on both of them,
that have converged, I think, in the Western mindset.
Number one is a Zionist ideology that basically says Israel is basically good, has a theological claim to the land, and Palestinians are basically bad and they don't belong in the land.
don't belong in the land. I'm not saying every version of Zionist theology would say that,
but that's kind of a big, broad brushstroke that I think... I grew up with that. I mean,
that was basically up until a few years ago, what I would have said unquestionably.
And then you have the other problem of militarism. The American evangelical church fascinated with military might. If it was just a belief in just war theory, I could live with that.
I mean, you and I share a commitment to nonviolence, Moonther. I don't know if I said that
earlier, but even actual just war theory says you don't target combatants. If actual just war theory
was being pursued here, or sorry, you don't target non-combatants. I think
I said combatants. If actual just war theory was passionate being pursued, I don't think it goes
far enough, but I'd be like, okay, I can see the logic of that. But I think that there is this
excessive fascination with militarism that does pervade. I'm just going to speak specifically to
the American evangelical church. So you take
those two ideologies and converge them together, and I could only understand how you can be
frustrated and discouraged with the response. Yeah. Let me comment on the just war theory,
because I think we should examine the sources and who uses it. I think the just war theory is just one convenient way for coloniality,
for the ideology of empire to justify its expansion ideology and practices
and make it look good.
We're doing something good and just in this war.
look good. We're doing something good and just in this war. It's usually a justification used by empire to expand. This is at least how we read and understand from this side of the receiving end of
war, this just war theory. And I wish those people who use it, you know,
explain it and use it in the same way you did.
And we've read the articles.
We've read the articles that use the just war theory.
9,000 children killed later.
And I'm still waiting for the follow-up to say,
well, it doesn't apply anymore.
But again, they're silent.
And to go back to your first point, to every point about Zionism and Christian Zionism,
just to help you understand the force of that ideology from the perspective of Palestinians.
I mean, you have colonizers coming from Europe
to our land, imposing a certain religious belief, namely that this is our land because
God gave it to us, or because, you know, our religion originated here.
We have to accept it somehow.
We have to accept that their religion is the right interpretation.
Their theology is the right interpretation.
And leave the land where we've been here for generations.
You know, the Palestinian people are the indigenous people of the land.
We have roots here for hundreds if not thousands of years.
And imagine someone coming from outside and imposing a point of view that our God tells us this is our land.
Just because I am of a certain religion, I could be living now in Russia or in Ethiopia or in the United States.
I can immigrate to your land, expel you from it, build a state on it, because my religion says it's okay, because my religion actually supports this claim.
Put yourself in our shoes as Palestinians.
How would you receive that?
How would you perceive that God, actually, who they claim they believe in and represent.
And of course, if you take that ideology to the extreme, you're absolutely right.
You nailed it. It becomes a force, a conflict between good and evil.
I've written so much about this, how we have an ugly separation wall in the West Bank.
And I say walls exist before they are constructed. Walls exist when we think we're
superior, when we think we're entitled. And once we feel like this, we build these walls, and those
on the other side of the wall are the inferior, the evil, the terrorist. And as such, it's okay and it can be justified if we besiege them and bomb them.
And sadly this is the same, this is the ideology that has been on display, that has been used,
this is the tool for 16 years that allowed the world to be okay with the siege on Gaza, and now with the total annihilation of that community that no longer exists,
they have been completely displaced.
85% of Gazans are now homeless.
Let that sink in.
Where will they go after this war?
If this is not the cleansing, what is?
And you see how it can be justified one step after the other.
I do want to, let me try to represent the other viewpoint. I would love to hear you respond to
this. And I'm a big fan of trying to represent other people's perspectives correctly. So I'm
going to try to do this with as much fairness as I possibly can. So, because this is a viewpoint that I think the majority of
American Christians grew up with and are probably the only perspective they're hearing is that
Hamas is a terrorist organization. In fact, they were voted into office by a majority vote in 2005, 2006. They're the ones who committed an atrocity,
one of the biggest massacres of Jewish people since the Holocaust. Israel has a right to defend
itself. And they're not targeting civilians, but Hamas uses civilians as human shields. And so Israel, the IDF, you know, does as much as it can to avoid killing civilians
that they do roof knocking, you know, drop fake bombs to warn people that it's coming. They call
people saying, flee this area because we're going to strike because Hamas is here. And Hamas has
vowed to annihilate every Jew in Israel. And they said they're going to keep doing October 7th again and again and again.
And so Israel, if they don't destroy Hamas, Hamas will end up destroying more innocent
civilians.
And so civilian deaths, it's a sad reality of war.
War is hell.
But what do you expect Israel to do?
How do you...
Did I do well?
Is that...
Again, I'm trying to... I mean, I hear that.
I mean, this is the response I often get when I say,
what about the Palestinian side of this conflict?
If I can even call it the conflict.
How do you respond to,
I know that there's probably several things there.
Yeah, you hit on several issues.
Let me try to address some of the points you've raised and then address the bigger picture,
because I think that's the most important thing.
First of all, I hear a lot that Gaza,
they elected Hamas and they deserve this.
The elections took place in 2007.
Hamas narrowly won the elections.
In other words, you can't even say that
an overwhelming majority or a majority.
And every political analyst understands too well that and knows that Hamas didn't win because they were that popular.
But a big reason why they won is people were tired of the alternative, which is the secular Fatah party, which back then was marked with corruption and lack of achievement.
People sympathized with Hamas after the second intifada because of the brutality of the Israeli attacks.
And they saw that Hamas actually is doing resistance.
This is how people thought of things. They were tired and so they voted.
So let's remember, not everyone voted.
And then let's also remember that this happened, what now, how many years ago? Which means that
the majority of Gaza people today, of Gazans, actually did not vote for Hamas because they were
not, the majority of Gazals are actually youth and children.
The only reality they know in their life is that of a siege that came after Hamas.
You can't blame them for that. Collective punishment is a war crime. What happened to our
principles that we boast about? So let's check the facts and let's humanize people.
Don't just talk about Ghazans as Hamas. Those are people with families with children,
and most of them have known nothing in their life other than the siege.
On the other issue that Israel has the right to defend itself,
that Israel has the right to defend itself.
How is the displacement of 1.9 million people a self-defense?
How do you still defend that position?
How is the killing of 9,000 children self-defense?
Have you heard what the Israeli politicians, Prime Minister and his cabinet and the war cabinet,
have you heard what they
said they intend to do?
I mean, they talked about a vengeance campaign.
They talked about not ever having Gaza in the same manner again.
They've called us animals.
The acts on the ground speak clearly that what Israel is doing is a vengeance campaign
that has no regard whatsoever to civilian lives.
Clearly the Israeli military has instructions to shoot at any moving target.
The proof is that they even killed their own hostages who were carrying white flags and who were shouting in Hebrew.
Three days ago, two Palestinian Christian women were shot dead in the church vicinity.
Clearly, they represented no danger.
So any moving target right now is, any moving thing is a target to the Israeli military.
We understand too well in Palestine. We understand
too well this is not about eliminating Hamas. This is about eliminating Gaza. This is about
displacement of the Palestinians. It's the Nakba happening all over again. We understand this,
facts speak. And again, I'm tired of hearing that Israel is avoiding civilians. If truly they're
doing so, they're really bad at it, to be honest. I want to, you know, the human shield argument.
Let's assume that in Tennessee, let's say, or in...
You have a serial killer who's on the run.
He's killed many children.
He's a really evil person.
He runs away from the police
and then hides in a school
and
kidnaps children.
Will you then support bombing the whole school
to get rid of that serial killer?
Seriously?
He's taking the children,
he's taking your children as human shields. Is that okay? We can blame him. Let's bomb the
school and blame him. Is this an argument you accept on your own children? You would accept
it in one case if these were not people, if these were animals. And to be honest, we're beginning to
think that maybe even animals have more rights in other countries than we do. So the idea of Hamas taking Palestinian civilians
as human shields, to be honest, it's insulting. Think of what you're saying. Would you do
the same? Would you accept the same in your own context? I hope, you know, I'm wondering when will the church,
you know, I've given up on politicians, but when will the church have the courage to say
this is wrong? What the Israeli military is doing is wrong. You know, attacking hospitals
is wrong. Again, you know, look at the numbers of civilians, look at the numbers
of children. But Preston, I think we need to look at the bigger picture, because I think
this is where the crux is. This is where the real issue is. All of these arguments aim
to alter the narrative. And by that I mean, make Israel the victim. Have we forgotten وعن ذلك أعني أن إسرائيل تجعلها مصابة.
هل تنسى أن إسرائيل هي المتواجدين ونحن المتواجدين؟
هل تنسى أننا كنا في المنزل والمدن 75 سنوات قبل لا نفعل شيئ؟
عندما وصلت المتواجدين الجيوشيين إلى بلسطين ووضعوا قرية على مدينتنا على مدينة المدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدينة والمدين arrived at Palestine and established a state on our lands, on the ruins of the towns and villages
of those Gazans who were displaced. Have we forgotten that? And then Israel is defending
itself freely? Do these Gazans have any right to defend themselves, their homes?
So these questions are framed in a way to alter the narrative. And in a sense, to alter the narrative and in a sense you forget who's the colonizer and who's
the colonizer.
It's been 75 years of denying Palestinians their rights, their right of self-determination,
denying the refugees the right of return.
It's been 75 years of killing any opportunity of a Palestinian state. The current
Israeli government, before October 7th, Netanyahu for years had been publicly opposed to a Palestinian
state. Have we forgotten that? So 75 years of injustice towards the Palestinians, 75
years, and the end result is a system that has been
described by many as an apartheid system. Don't take my word, take the word of international
organizations like Human Rights Watch, like Amnesty International, or take the word of
Israeli human rights organizations like B'Tselem and Yehudin. Take the UN reports, the multiple ones.
And if we're going to dismiss all of these
as right-wing, left-wing socialist propaganda,
then let's get rid of them.
Let's get rid of the international law
and human rights organizations.
You know, we're convinced after this war
that the international law and the human rights
and all of these have a footnote.
We missed it, the apostrophe, with the exception of Palestinians.
It doesn't apply.
So framing the question in such a way isolates October 7th.
October 7th was horrifying.
I cannot condone or support October.
You know, it's kidnapping children.
It's killing people in their homes.
Of course, we condemn it.
But isolating it and making it this story is a real problem.
It's adopting the narrative of the colonial mentality.
It's adopting the narrative of the empire.
Are you tired of being asked,
Munther, do you condemn Hamas?
Do you condemn October's death? That's got to be exhausting for a pastor who believes in nonviolence to be asked whether he supports or condemns the killing of 1, doesn't it seem strange that you're asking the occupied to acknowledge his occupier's right to exist?
This is how, you know, these things are imposed on us.
They want to frame the narrative in a certain way and we just have to accept.
In the same way I've been asked for years, you know, do you believe God gave this land to the Jewish people?
And then we engage in response and so on
and ignore the reality on the ground,
the real issues of justice, of land confiscation,
of segregation, of denying the Palestinians
their basic, basic human rights,
like getting water, uniting with their spouses,
uniting with families, going from one city to the other without having to be stopped at checkpoints.
I mean, this is our daily lives.
Instead, we've been asked all over and over to answer questions about replacement theology,
anti-Semitism, accepting Israel's right to exist.
And I'm tired of playing on the tones that the Western world dictates for us.
We want to talk about the real issues that matter to us.
I know I was trying to represent the other narrative, but I just want to come out and just say, I think the whole like using human shields as an excuse for what Israel is doing,
that is the most morally embarrassing bankrupt logic I've heard in a long time. And it's a shame
that Christians would even reference that as an argument. As if somebody took your kid and used your kid as a
human shield, my kid, I wouldn't say, well, got to shoot the kid, got to get the enemy.
That's just... On what planet do we reason that way morally? And then I hear... It's one thing
for Babylon or Rome or some empire to use that as an argument. That's war propaganda.
That's expected.
Of course, when a secular state of Israel uses that as... Whatever.
Of course, they would say that.
But when Christians start...
I've heard Christians actually say that.
I'm like, do you hear yourself?
Is there anything in Jesus that would justify...
I'm waiting for the therefore.
Well, they're using human shields.
They look at me like, therefore, therefore what? So you killed the human? And here's where, from my perspective,
and I think you would share this, the dehumanization of Palestinian people was put on
full display when there was legitimate outrage over the three hostages that were killed. That's three horrifying deaths.
Innocent hostages taken, held captive, and then they were killed. So I'm horrified at that as I
am with any death. But it makes me think, well, wait a minute. Where has the horror been with 20,000 people killed, 8,000 children?
All of a sudden, now we care about the death of innocent people?
And now the human shield argument doesn't work because you could say, well, Hamas used
these hostages as human shields.
So what do you expect?
You know, well, no, that argument all of a sudden doesn't work because they're Israeli
hostages.
But doesn't that put on full display the dehumanization of Palestinian
lives over against Israeli lives? I mean, am I missing something here?
No, I mean, in my book, The Other Side of the Wall, I dedicated a whole section on the
dehumanization of Palestinians and Palestinian Christians, by the way. And I continue to say
we've been ignored, dismissed, and dehumanized, in certain instances even demonized.
And it's an old, old ideology.
Think of phrases like a land without people, for a people without a land.
The land had people, but the land was described as a land without people because we are uh it's it was without people of equal worth
they're arabs they're palestinians they're muslims they could be you know shifted asked you know
moved somewhere else we still hear this today why doesn't egypt open the borders why doesn't
jordan open the borders as if we have no identity no rootedness no ideology, no nationality, no connection to this land, as if we're just
boxes in a room that you don't know what to do with, and why don't you take the boxes
here and there and somewhere.
You know, it's not just no understanding of the politics of the Middle East that Palestinians
are not Egyptians.
Yes, we're Arabs, but we're not the same.
It's a total disregard to our identity, our rootedness in this land, to our humanity.
And again, it's a land without people. And it manifested in church language today when you
talk about the Jews return to their land. You know, the moment you say that word, the Jews
return to their land, it gives the impression that I, Mulder, a Palestinian who's
been living in this neighborhood actually for generations, and that, you know, we belong to this
area for years. We're actually the occupiers. We took someone else's land. We didn't get the memo
that God promised this land 4,000 years ago to a certain, what, nationality or ethnicity.
promised this land 4,000 years ago to a certain, what, nationality or ethnicity.
But this is a common language in churches today.
You talk about the land as if it's empty.
You celebrate the miracle of Israel as if Israel was established on empty land because there is no regard whatsoever to the people who lived in the land
and who had to, you know, let go, become refugees or kill for Israel to be a state.
So this continues.
This continues.
It's a typical colonial mentality that looks less of people who are colonized.
And to be honest, it's one of the main reasons behind our manger in our church today heard
around the world, the manger on the rubble.
around the world, the mention on the rubble,
this is one of the reasons behind it.
Because I was tired, angry, frustrated by the dehumanization of these children,
these precious children who are killed in Gaza
on a daily basis, pulled from under the rubble
with the dust, with injuries,
and the world justifies that.
And I've been saying it in our church.
We see Jesus in every one of them.
When I saw these children lying, you know, in white cloth in front of a hospital or a church in Gaza,
you know, the thing that comes to me is when Jesus said, come to me, let those children come to me.
Because the world has been rejecting them.
And I said, when everyone is rejecting and dehumanizing Palestinians, my goodness, I love Jesus' teaching.
So if we think of them, how provocative they are, how challenging they are.
When he says, I was hungry, you give me food,
I was thirsty, I was a stranger, I was a prisoner, by the way, you know, we don't comment on that,
most likely a political prisoner. And you visited me. And then he says, whatever you have done to
any one of these, least of these, you have done to me. And what an honor, I say, those displaced, marginalized, and dehumanized have
for Jesus to say,
you know, what you do to them, you do to me.
What an honor.
So the world can continue to disown
and dehumanize Palestinians.
And I see something completely else.
This is why I say
if Jesus was born today he will be born
precisely in Gaza under the rubble
to challenge that mentality of dehumanization
and to say I am with you
in your pain and suffering
this is one
really main reason behind this
manger we created
with a Palestinian child
with Jesus wearing a Palestinian kufiya under the rubble as our Christmas
manger.
It's a, it's a really powerful picture.
It's on your, your Twitter account, right?
I think I saw it there.
It's been on different media outlets and social media accounts.
Yes, it did.
It did attract a lot of attention because it
was a shocking image.
Baby Jesus under the rubble.
Yeah.
If you go to at Moonther Isaac, your Twitter or X account or whatever, there are several
articles.
Religiousnews.com picked it up.
There was one post you made that got hundreds of thousands of retweets and likes
and stuff. It's a powerful, powerful image. I'm looking at it right now. Yeah, I encourage people
to check it out. I'll put a link in the show notes. It connects Christmas with reality.
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It's so important to gain a good view of the forest before you analyze the trees.
But sometimes reading the whole Bible can be really daunting.
I mean, not only is it like a really large book, but let's face it, some parts can be super hard to understand.
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I do have a disconnect, Moonther. I mean, I go to church and it's almost like this whole situation
is just ignored or just not even mentioned, you know, and then we sing these happy worship songs
and greet each other. And it's just, it's, I feel a little icky for lack of better terms.
And I don't, yeah, I'm still wrestling with that. There was
one thing you said that I would love to get your perspective on. I have heard, and I haven't done
a lot of research on this, but that Israel has offered peace to, let's just say, Palestinians
over and over and over. And they always reject the terms of peace even in 1948 there was this like
you have this plot of land we have this and and palestinians rejected that and in 2000 2001 with
the whole clinton um was that the oslo accords i forget no not oslo and it maybe yeah that they
off they offered peace again saying okay here's let's divide up the land two-state solution and
and either hamas or Palestinians rejected that.
What's the story?
But I read on the other side of that, and they said, no,
the terms were not acceptable, and that's why they rejected it,
because it wasn't fair terms offered.
So can you inform us on what those...
From the Palestinian perspective, the terms were not acceptable,
and they did not make Palestinians and Israelis equal or give equal
rights and privileges and sovereignties.
It wasn't a real state.
It was a quote-unquote state.
Let's again look at the bigger picture.
Israel was established on 78% of historical Palestine.
The Palestinian leadership made a compromise and said,
we'll accept a two-state solution on 22% of the land.
We were never offered that 22%. In fact, immediately after the Oslo Accords, which were signed in the 90s, which were supposed to last for five years,
Israel engaged in an aggressive campaign of building settlements on the Palestinian territories in the West Bank,
increasing the settler community, including the settlers and settlement buildings.
the settlers and settlement buildings. So they were never really genuine about giving Palestinians the full 22%, which we considered then a compromise, which many Palestinian leaders
and intellectuals considered a big compromise. Why should we accept it? So we accepted the compromise,
but it was... And all the negotiations were later, how much of the 22% we get?
And the Palestinians said, no, we want the full 22%. This is the condition for peace.
This has always been the real issue when it comes to,
it's usually the weaker side that's asked to compromise.
And we are asked to compromise given that we've already have,
in our consideration at least, made a compromise when we accepted the two-state solution and a state only on 22%, which is the West Bank and East Jerusalem.
This is what the international community accepts.
This is what is meant by the two-state solution.
is meant by the two-state solution.
And Palestinians, at least the political leaders,
reject to negotiate of anything less than the full 22% of the land.
Now, is that possible today? I don't know.
Israel has built so many settlements on the West Bank.
The West Bank is fragmented.
There are segregation roads.
Do you know that in the West Bank there are roads that are only for Israeli Jews?
Just think of that, that we cannot use as Palestinians.
So this is the reality right now.
You know, even Israeli historians would say and politicians, this is not a missed opportunity. I can't remember the name of an Israeli politician and negotiator who said, if I were a Palestinian, of my Patreon supporters for questions. And so they sent
in a bunch of questions and they voted on which questions they wanted me to ask. And so we can't
get, I probably have like 40 questions here. So let me just go to the ones that were voted on
the most. The number one voted question that they wanted me to ask you, this comes from Danny.
He says, what would you consider is the biggest misconception the American church or Americans in general have of Palestinian people?
And how can we think better?
I think some of this has probably already been touched on.
But if you can give a summary.
Yeah, I would say the biggest misconception about the reality is that, you know, let me expand that question.
Misconceptions about the situation here.
I would say several things.
First of all, that this is a religious conflict.
It's not a religious conflict.
It's a conflict on territory, on sovereignty.
And for us, it's a reality of settler colonialism.
And that's my second point of the misconception,
is that it's not a conflict.
It's a reality of settler colonialism
that continues to exist until today.
We are, as Palestinians, the indigenous people,
we've been in this land for generations.
European Zionist settlers came to Palestine
claiming that this is their land because of religious beliefs,
the world accepted and now we have this reality we live in.
And finally, I think I would say that not all Palestinians are Hamas.
I have to say this now.
Not all Palestinians actually believe in violence.
The majority of Palestinian intellectuals believe in nonviolent resistance.
Most of us want to share this land with the Jews.
Most of us feel that the only way forward is sharing the land,
reaching a peace settlement of some way or another.
And finally, the biggest misconceptions is that all Palestinians are Muslims. There are Palestinian Christians who have lived and existed in this land since the time of Christ, since the time of the first church.
So we represent probably the first and definitely the first, but also the oldest Christian community in the world.
The fact that people continue to be surprised that we exist surprises me.
It should be surprising if we did not exist as Palestinian Christians.
So this, I would say, some of the most misconceptions people have about the situation.
All right. Thank you.
Next question comes from Justin.
He says, what are your views related to replacement theology?
You kind of mentioned this in passing. What is biblical Israel? Has God transferred the promises
for Israel to the church? Then he kind of references Romans 9. And I think this is a
genuine question. I don't think he's trying to like corny you with anything here.
Wow. This is a whole episode question.
anything here? Wow. This is a whole episode question. Actually, let me jump in and say,
for those who have questions about a theology of the land in particular, I did an episode a couple months ago with Gary Burge, who's written two outstanding books on the topic. So I would
encourage you to go back and listen to that episode. I think it's titled, Do Christians
Have a Theological Mandate to Support the
Modern State of Israel or something like that. So we go through a lot of texts, a lot of
theology. So if you want a thorough response, I would go there. You would agree with Gary,
right? You guys would line up, I think, and I would too, theologically.
I think we're very close theologically. Everyone says it in his own way way I've written a lot
on the land, my PhD was on
the promised land theology
these are very important questions
but they would need
some time, let me answer them briefly
and then make an important comment
replacement theology
that's not my language, that's not
our language here, this is a western concept
that assumes
some people are
superior. They take the place of others. It's built in this entitled attitude. Who's entitled?
Who's superior? Is it us or the Jews? And now we say it's us. And I reject the whole premise of this discussion. On the question who receives the promises and so on, I think I would say, first of all, my biblical understanding is simple.
It's based on Galatians.
In Christ, you are Abraham's offspring, earth according to the promises.
There is neither Jew nor Gentile, free nor slave, male or female.
You're all one in Christ. If you are male or female, you're all one in Christ.
If you are Abraham's offspring, you're heirs to the promises.
You know, to me, it's simple.
I mean, just read that and it doesn't mean so much unpacking.
There is no spiritual seed or physical seed.
When I say heirs according to the promises, I don't understand this at all to be a statement of
superiority or privilege.
It's about the promises that we should bless people.
We should be a light to people.
It's all.
And that's our mandate.
That's our responsibility.
It's not a privilege.
You know, I think that at the end of the day, we can debate these questions.
My biggest concern is the relevancy to what's happening.
Do we solve the Palestinian-Israeli situation, a situation that is so right now violent, brutal, people are dying?
Do we solve it by the right interpretation of
Romans 11? Is the solution imposing our... and I'm going to assume that the Christian
Zionist interpretation is the correct one. Do we solve this reality by imposing this theological belief on an entire Palestinian
people and saying, we believe God gave the land to the Jewish people, you should give
a sign?
Seriously?
Is this the best we have to offer as Christians?
Do we accept in any other context for the Bible to be used as the textbook that decides who owns a certain piece of land?
We go crazy when Muslims use this language, don't we?
We go crazy when Muslims say we have a divine mandate or a divine right to own a certain piece of land.
But it's perfectly fine if here in this situation. And to be clear, you know, I think
the right way forward is how do we promote the theology in which Christian Jews and Muslims
share this land without any of them claiming exclusive ownership of it? This is how we move forward. How do we promote a theology that challenges unjust
structures of segregation and apartheid and superiority? Right now, we live in an understate
that claims the right for self-determination is exclusive to the Jewish people only.
Can any Christian be okay with that?
Because the Bible says so.
So I think for years,
we've been tricked into thinking that the answer and peacemaking
has to do with answering questions
about replacement theology,
Israel and the church.
And by the way, as a side note,
let's respect the diversity among the Jewish community and how they read their scriptures and how they understand these promises to Abraham and their relevancy today.
Let's not impose a certain theological belief on the Jewish people themselves.
I wish listeners move aside and go beyond this old way of dealing with the Palestinian-Israeli
situation.
We need to be true peacemakers who listen, who understand, and not just think that the
answer lies in good exegesis of Galatians and Romans and Genesis.
How is it relevant?
Again, how is it relevant to what's happening uh in the land today
we think tricked and we think that you know what the bible says about israel applies to the modern
state of israel today no i disagree that's not how we go forward that's that's not the way forward
we cannot impose anything on people and at the same you know, why do we have to accept this connection and everything that follows from that connection?
No, I'm sorry.
That's not how we move forward.
For my audience that may be just really tuning in for the first time or hasn't really thought through this, one of the most fundamental things we need to do is distinguish between biblical Israel and the modern state of Israel.
If you want to say that they are somehow connected, that's a really lengthy theological
argument you're going to have to make, and people have made that argument. But I think a lot of
Christians just passively assume when they hear the modern state of Israel, they just automatically
think, oh, biblical Israel, modern state of Israel, it's the same term, it's the same land.
And that's, to me, the theological conversation must begin with
making a very stark distinction between those two. And again, if you want to connect them,
make that argument, but that's an argument that needs to be made, not an assumption that just
needs to be had. Munther, do you have time for just two more, I want to say quick questions,
but we'll see how quick they are. Okay, the next question, what
do Palestinians think of Hamas? You've kind of, I think, addressed that to some extent.
Yeah, that's a complicated question because it depends when you ask this question. Most
surveys have shown that Hamas was very unpopular before October 7th.
Now it's very popular.
It depends on when you ask this question, the circumstances in which you ask this question.
Hamas is widely viewed in Palestine as a resistant movement.
Many do not approve its religious ideology,
yet still accept it as a resistance movement.
Hamas has a lot of opponents within the Palestinian society,
most notably from many Fattah leaders and members.
There are many people who say,
you know, who would, you know, maybe before the war say, we don't care for Hamas,
we just want to live in peace. But when they see what Israel is doing, they say we wish Hamas prevails. It's complicated. It's a complicated
question. But I can say with certainty that Hamas
does not represent the majority or even
close to the majority of Palestinians. Definitely it doesn't represent the majority or even close to the majority of Palestinians. Definitely,
it doesn't represent the majority of Palestinians in the West Bank. And before the war, according
to the studies and surveys, it did not represent the majority of Palestinians in Gaza. Yet the
Yet the desire for freedom, independence represents all Palestinians.
As a Christian, it's hard for me to accept the religious ideology of Hamas.
We are against religious states to begin with, whether it's a Jewish state, an Islamic state, or a Christian state. Palestinian Christians by and large promote and believe in nonviolence as a way of challenging
the occupation and resisting the occupation.
This is part of the Christian identity here, the Christian fabric, which is why, again,
I said I can't understand any Christian supporting anyone to begin with.
If you ask us as Palestinian Christians about Hamas, you know, they could be our classmates,
they could be people we meet in the streets.
Hamas is not just a political group, it represents an ideology of some in the Palestinian society who believe that we should fight Israel from
a religious perspective, from that of representing an Islamic state.
Many in Gaza who lived under Hamas speak of lack of freedoms, lack of freedom of expression, and so on.
So Hamas' experiment in Gaza wasn't a successful one, to be honest.
At least this is what many who lived under Hamas those last 16 years would say.
I'd recently learned, and please verify this,
that the top three leaders of Hamas have a net worth of $11 billion.
This is in the Washington Post.
A few other, they're flying around in private jets, living life of luxury while their people are suffering.
To me, that just seems like another manifestation of empire, if you think about it.
Is that true?
Many Hamas leaders are in Qatar.
Yeah, definitely.
Many Hamas leaders are in Qatar. Yeah, definitely. Many Hamas leaders are in Qatar.
And again, it's a representation of this complicated reality
because there are those who are very devoted to that cause,
who are willing to die for it,
and sadly who are willing to commit horrific events,
horrific acts in their eagerness to support that ideology,
even if it's kidnapping children and killing children.
And if you're oppressed for years, if all you know is poverty, if all you know is oppression
and no freedom, I think it's easy to be led into becoming a Hamas fighter because you're desperate,
because you have no other alternative.
I think if the Western world is serious about eliminating Hamas, you cannot eliminate Hamas
without offering those young Palestinians an alternative, an alternative to work, to
live in dignity, to raise their children in dignity, to feed their families.
Right now that alternative doesn't exist.
You know, it brings us back to our core belief, wars and siege cannot bring peace and security.
Unless you realize how the cumulative injustice that people in Gaza had to endure,
you will not be able to understand Hamas.
And when I say this, people think I'm justifying or I'm defending Hamas.
No, I mean, you cannot have this conversation in a simplistic way.
Hamas is evil, it's barbaric, it's demonic.
You have to ask the right questions.
You have to ask, how did we get here?
Why do people join Hamas?
You have to ask these questions.
I fully agree.
And I don't, there's a massive difference
between trying to understand context
and reasons for certain actions
versus justifying those actions.
Those are two very different things going on.
So when people, if you even
try to understand why some people might support Hamas or where Hamas came from, people automatically
say, you're justifying it. That's just, again, that's just very poor logic. And anyway, I talked
about that in a previous podcast. One more question, and then I'll let you go. This one's
really probably the best question, really. This comes from Catherine.
She asks, what's the biggest way we can help you right now?
Is there a specific organization you'd recommend donating to?
Or I'll expand the question to if it's not donating money, is there something else?
If people are listening and saying, okay, so can we do anything?
What can Christians do to help support our brothers and sisters in Christ in Israel,
Palestine? Right now, there's one thing we're asking. Call for a ceasefire today, not tomorrow.
Lobby for a ceasefire. Write your representatives. Nag them. Keep writing. Keep demonstrating. Keep writing, keep demonstrating, keep having stand-ins. This is not about calling for,
you know, at this stage, we're asking just for that. I'm not even saying support Palestinians
over Israelis or Israelis. I'm just saying we need a ceasefire. We can't afford one more day
with this brutal war. Calling for a ceasefire is a commitment, I think,
that can be achieved by lobbying, by calling, by making your voices heard. I wish the more
pressure there is on policymakers, the sooner we will get to a moment where this war is over.
This is right now our biggest plea.
This is our biggest ask at this stage.
And only then we can even begin thinking of what's next, because what's next is horrifying.
What's next is, I mean, it's hard to believe that it's hell on earth right now.
People live in horror.
People, you know, they're telling us literally horror stories.
And then the moment this war is over, you think it's the end, but it's not.
You know, I think of my friends in the church who are seeking refuge.
They just want to survive.
They wish they could survive
and I put myself in their shoes
and I can fathom
being under threat of being killed
any moment for more than
two months from now
yet they still have
to face
the reality that
after this war they have no house to go back to
their homes were destroyed I'm talking about the Christian community in the churches.
Their homes were destroyed. Imagine the pain.
Imagine the horror. Imagine the trauma. I really don't know where to begin
when it comes, how can we help? It's a human tragedy
on a huge magnitude of scale. This is
millions now,
around 2 million who have been displaced.
Think of those generations who will grow up with this trauma.
One person in the church described it
as one day in this war is worse
than all other wars combined.
In my good news.
How do they ever survive this? How do they ever survive this
how do they ever survive
hearing just a sound of
shock again
after this war
and then you think of the many
many many many
tens of thousands of disabilities
as a result of this war
thousands of children
who are orphans
or lost their siblings.
I mean, I don't know where to begin.
There will be,
I'm sure, many opportunities
for relief efforts.
At Bethlehem Bible College, we have
a
whole
program designated for that
called the Shepherd Society.
I encourage you to look it over.
The need will be massive. The need will be massive. I'm even horrified thinking of it.
But going back to my first point, let's get rid of this ugly genocide that is happening in Gaza,
and then we can talk further. If someone did want to donate, could they donate to the Shepherd
Society through Bethlehem Bible College? Would those resources go to help physical needs? can talk further. If someone did want to donate, could they donate to the Shepherd Society
through Bethlehem Bible College? Would those resources
go to help physical needs?
Yes, yes. And it's very trusted.
We have partners in Gelser
that we hope will survive.
And
we're coordinating all efforts
with other partners,
other church partners, so that
there is no duplication.
Right now, most of the support is still on hold
because we can't get it anywhere.
You know, you can't get anything into Masjid.
Yeah.
Even access to those besieged in the church
and with the wider community,
the hospitals and schools we have contact with.
I mean, everything has stopped.
But you can help definitely
through Bethlehem Bible College
Shepherd Society. There is a link that you can go to. I will put the link in. Also, did you create
an open letter for people to sign? Was that a few weeks ago? I thought I heard something about that,
that you're trying to get evangelical leaders to... Yes, there is an open letter, a call for
repentance, and it addresses what we believe is the complicity of many churches with the genocide that is taking place right now.
It's in change.org, and it's called an open letter from Palestinian Christians to Western Christian leaders and theologians, a call to repentance, it challenges the dominant perspective of the Western world,
the Western Christian world with regards to this, to what's happening in Gaza.
I encourage you to read it and be challenged by it.
I encourage you to read it multiple times and give it some time to think and pause.
It offers a totally new and different perspective that I think the church in the West needs to hear. So far, close to
900,000 people signed it. It created a good movement of discussions and conversations.
This happened a while ago. This happened probably the first three, four weeks of the war. I'm
disappointed that the war is still happening. I'm disappointed
that after all of our efforts, all of our advocacy, all of our calls, I personally traveled to DC for
this particular purpose to call for a ceasefire. And we're still not even close to a ceasefire. I
mean, we're devastated. We're really devastated. Munther, thank you so much for your time.
This is such a heavy topic, but this is
I mean, something you're obviously
living right in the middle of.
Please pass on, I guess
my, as much as I'm
representing anybody listening who's
sympathetic with everything you have said,
please pass on our greetings and our
prayers to our brothers and sisters in Christ
that you are shepherding. I know there's frustration regarding the American church, the Western church. Just know
there are maybe a minority, but there are people who are deeply concerned and are agonizing and
would like to do whatever they can to come alongside our brothers and sisters in the kingdom.
So thank you for being on Theology in Raw, and I'm sure you have lots of pastoral duties to get back to,
and a wonderful family to go, I'm sure, be with right now.
So thank you so much, Munther, for your time.
You're welcome. Thank you. Thank you. This show is part of the Converge Podcast Network.